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The first Black student pr obably came to SW8.rthmore around 1942. It's hard to track down this preccd0nt·=setting history-making event in the Swarthmorea.·&gt; because verJ little written evidence exists, and this history must be shY'ouded, therefore, by hearsay, recollection and uncertainty. Before that date, there VII'ere a number of frustrated efforts to deSE.~ate the college and break the color linG that had existed by gentlemen's agreement. True illustrations may shecl light on. this point o In his Memoirs, Charles J. Darlington, 1915, relates the story that his SwarthmoreDean' of JVIe:l, lf1liJ.liam A c Alexander, told him of Black admissions at SwarthrnoI' e" 1905 tJt yle o Th e college had unknowingly accepted a very light-skinned Neg 1 'o rrale because the admissions information was gathered from fill ed-cut ques -cimmaires and from photographs", without the now required inte:;:'vieH &lt; As C:Lar les De.rlington recounts it: When he 81';:,i ";,Te d :! t v;::u:; .f"OUi..'C~ th3 t he was a Negro boy. His picture was sha ded in ~uc~ ~ way th&amp;t this fact had not been obvious c. The c- ollege ·~\r 8.:'~ J.n an enDc.rras sing quandary. No Negroes had ever b ec:.! a;:.'t;'l:::'tt 3cL As IlJU.ec tl said, "It just wasn't done" Ii .£\.I'I~e::."" lLl,ch hee.:::-t . searching by the college administration and p::..~ obabl~F-[·0ffi.G·-ln 8r;b·el""s '-o f the Board, the boy and his p a r ents wer e to~.d tha t an. e~ror had been made. The college was very S OI'l"Y '!'Yll"j he could not be permitted to en t er" - - ---- .-,----..- - -..- .,---,. - - - -.,-Everett Lee Hunt in ti.l e Revo lt of 1,he College Intellectual gives us a glimpse into Dep l'ess io'il=-8t]T8 -sw,i'i:-fEmoj::::-e'~31ack admissions. Everett Hunt narrates: In 1932 a Negro f::."om a PhiladeJ_phia High School decided to apply to Swarthmore, He .:o..s a p:::-.omincnt athlete; had a good background i:1 elasnics J his major interest; was president of' the stude nt government 8nd popular with his fellows; and, except for his color, was a logical candidate for open scholarship o Th e admission of colored students had nev or been appro7ed by the Board of Managers, and so th e Admissio:cJ.E:: Commi t t ee r e feJ:'r e d the application to the Board. After 0.. long discussion it decided by a large majority t~at Negro students could not yet be admi tted to a coerluca tionaJ_ colleGe like Swarthmore. Their admission lrJould 1'o.. j 2e too mn.n y p':"~ 0blems and create too many difficul t-is s, 'J:hG-"'·:' Ha s t:;ene ral satisfaction at the happy so ~lutj ,,).0. :,;j_'O!.: &lt;c'~:J(;d 'J '-J ['80.n 3re ight , just p,rrived from Dartmou th~ ~~e~ h ~ £0~ t~8 boy accopted there with a large schol 8,l"'::.L i pc ,;1.1'.0.£1 ' 8 ,:::-,11ego s83J1.o d just the place for him~

No doubt, its e}J:-ca~Cr~;J. 88.~·,":..8 f'o2. a Qual\:or schoo l like Swarthmore to have racial skelet o n::: i!~~ i-he" C!('i';G~;. T'h f: Quakers , one of the first group to come out against ;';}[,-'J8ry ,. La '. 0 1,':n[T hQd 0. social activist creed which rw_ns directly c r.:;1..:.n tn , 'c() t.h (~ ~.'D.ci[:l f;\ '::;:; ,Je on s in the closet of Quaker . Swarthmore Colleg e c 'i'.no ~( c. :i !&lt;I~~ cue: }"L'ac r;:;_00 o f the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting voices th e ::3c!d o..l-·c.~o2~'8-::,n -..t'l1a:C-Fr1end.s have tr~di tionally had in racial justico c
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�' The plight of , native races and disadvantaged ' groups in Africa, India, Asia, Europe and America which so heavily weighted upon the minds and hearts of members of the Commission on Racial Justice, places both a responsibility and opportunity before the Society of Friends ' ~ I1isunderstandings and bitterness which divide economic gpoups and national gover,illhents re~t~' ip no small measure upon race prejudi6e. Jf the c&amp;uses of ~ indus,trial and . international wars are to ' bf;:removed, 'effective work must be done in improving the s'tatusQf disadvantaged grOUPSD

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.ytrat SASS , end6 (.;.-;;' ors by presenting its .demands is to close the gap at Swarthmore between faith and practice and thus help the college reach its full potential as an educational ' J.nsti tution in the profes 's ed service of ' a better American society. Th}s willcomE3 about, by pr:oviding talented ' Black youths wi th the academ;ic competence to, ' filllction on ,two leViels. Because of its ' intense aDd , rigorousedue,ational ' experienc~, Swar'thmore , College coul~be :, a , traini:qg ground ,for Black scholars ,and~lack leaders. Bla~k f Swn.rtbinor;e alumni could, one day be vJOrkingat t1).e frontiers of ' knowledge ' in Brack studies, doing , he new scholarship anq, unea rthing .a t : ' vital Dody" o':(~nowledgG~ ' SHarthmore could gi ve its Black alumni the ,,' __ , intell e,c tunJ: . d1,scipline and analytic pmvers to look a t the hard, complex is sues. ,thai; ~ lac;k : l eade r .ship ll1Till e ncounter ip future years. , his is ' T the [d-rn 'of· 'the' SASS demands. '- - ' '''' l ';"" " . . " _. In order - to''' beBla c}:- :scr," "'. ars ;and6.Bla ck leaders, howe~er ~ SW$,rthJpore~ Black college · studeritswill chave . to possesse : viable Black identiti~sJ ffi ~ sense of group pr'i de 8:Qddestiny which can only ' come about ;:througtl in' .' , " . di vidual ' 'S,elf:.:t,ar,:.-· :"y.si s· 'and, SEilf':',defini tion. In a predomin&amp; tely whi te, CoIl ege' like , Swarth.'YJ1ore, th e Blac- students group plays , a very important ' k ", counter ~ soci.alization role ' in nuturing the viable selfhood" for p::roi9.uctive.' From th:i,s gO?tls flqwsth e rationale for Black atudents at SwartbJnore . and " " the legitimacy of ' SASS.

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~his is a nec~isary conclusion that thinking Black students &amp;re coming too Thus SASS enjoys thepassi.ve ., if not the active ~upport' of virtually all the Black s ,tp,dents · on campus 0 ' To illustrate thi;3 . po;Lnt, after student .,cou,:lcil "endorsed the orginal ,SASS demands, .aT).d'· c.ertain ,'. · white administrators were sug(l~ 6sting that SA,SSWRS an i'll egiMnate, Un'r ep res entati v~org8ni'zation, the " group , conducted cin int e rnal poll und found tha·t , a ll but six of , the Blac·k s,tudents on the .c ampus ' werB wi~ling to goon r e c ord as ' SASS memb e rs .. White Sw'a rthmore. waS shown that s oIne of ' therc ' b es t f r i E(nds a rE; not , Negroes.

On a ' cdmpu~ t ·h at profess es, to b e . li fer~ l and enlightened, wh ,:.&lt;. do e s SASS ene'ount,e r ; SCi ; much r esis tance and misunderstanding in itm ~ g'oals of s.elf-definitioh and self ··det,e rmina'Gion for BJ:ack peoplo~' A ' great doal of the a nsw e r li e s ir:. fa:;,'::; t~at tho College suffers from whi to liberal mind set on'r'ac~ r ea lt5,ons o ' By~ that ~ve . meo.n that Swarthmore "Coliege as an institution has 8 "Love roe, I'm a lib e ral!!' approach to race , r e lations tha t.phil Ochs in Concert ~ satirizes. In oth e r words, because the College was founded 1.-mder Quaker aegi s, ,a nd becaus e its adminis tra tors r a is e money for !~Tade House&gt; a nd b eca use its faculty h e lps run Upward Bounq.,

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and because its students tutor Chest e r Kids, lily white Swarthmore automat~ ically assumes it's the racial scene and doing the best it can . 1A te Thi liberal , Swarthmore has been content to push for racial justice and Black " self-de~qrmination in Chester, or Philadelphia, or Media, rather than in its own backyard. Black Power is good in Chest8r, but bad in the ~ampus. The racism of the outer white society stops at the edge of college property~ because Swarthmore College, a small Co-educational LIBERAL liberal arts 11 miles southwest of Philadelphia, because the campus comrnunity is one big happy racial family~ How long can basically descent people lull th8mselves into the fragile and status quo "oomplacency of rosy-eyed sb.cchc..rino exist~nco, whe re everybody' is' suppoSed to be co1-or blind 'and , and unpre judiced?' , This fantasy world ,can never exist in a society that waS nutured on racism and in which it still runs rampant. Very few, if any, white people in contemporary America have or can elude the racist virus b e cause it is ," ubiquitous: cmd deep-seated. But there is one hope, there isa way to work ourseJves out of this sad dilemma -to faco the hard, cold, cruel reali ty of the racic~J cris is.Because tho vague and accusatory word racist· ", ~onnotes []D " otrert, virulent bigot clubbing poor def ensel e ss Negroes, whito liberals concerned with social justice, don't like to see the term bandied about. Doubtless, this is a typical Swarthmore reaction. Be'cause some of our best friends are white liberals, many SASS members are careful with their racial labels. Yet to many "Love me" liberals, the term white liberal itself must seem at times an epfthet. Whatever the label, all are members of the Master Race in a society in which the legitimllt~d belief in the inferiority of Blacks is deeply ingrained, and pervasive. Every white is not to blame for a racist America, but every white is in some degree responsible. , Thus to combat Smith an~ r~~BiS of Swarthmore Colle£A7 ~lle liberal Quaker school has a r8sponsible racism pn~ uqvance racial equality. We hope that Prosident Dwarthmore College will not turn their backs on the greater this century.

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SASS proceeds with a clear conscience, can Swarthmore College?'

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The Swarthmore Afro-Ame rical1 Students' Society

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LOCt;.'&gt;:,?-.!: , G;l~nt;qnEtheL'+dgE3and~on M}.zell, ,m.,eJ:T!ber·s, cf SA~S(wrat~ ale~ter ,; t ,o the' J?ha:eD,.J;..X challoengulg), t11e dispar1.'t;Y',betweenpTofessed' J.n,t entl.onof" . : '~d!nitt,;itig~' Illo~e \'Pla.c~ studen'b sqt,nd': the. ~e-t.~a;Li ty ' of' dt7creasing1\l1lITibers _cp;~., black. l;rt:;ude.:n~ s. enl1QJ,.ling ,CiurJ-ng l13he last:: i;fpur yet;lt's. i ' , . ,
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cO.,ctc~ · JiQ,~.~\i;:=®:i$ , .A~SA~\;j.onsCoIrm{itt!e;e rs,i eased 9, \ ,"worki+lg ~~p~rfl , onbla~k, ~q.-,. ,m.issioP$ wlii6~ · it · .pl·aeed on reselrve in the).i'6:ra:!:'y, anq. AdItri.;:3;3ions \Det+nW;red HargadoIi: inrl:te&lt;i mem1;r~rs bfl SASS: to' attend' a gertera,l :mee, :w:g to' git3'cllss i t , t , ~Il ~Qct. 1~ .. , The , r:~part:. incf~deai"~~"IIaL·cQ.Il~~:i~i'd.~~ /bJltueks..tudoIlits ,~'pl\;gy C ". , $c;o:J;"e,$~, graq;p,~',:,~G:;l)_~ ·!'~1:Y!~:Ul.c.9ITles- 'ra thert:han .a &lt;/g,raph .or chart, ~:f"yhe ' , "13. v~rlig~Q, "!';~ ~u,l:t s .- ... ,· i;nclliJ.ding ,fina.p.c ial ' da,t ~ " frprp.. Pan ~n t s f"'C'qn.fi d~n ti't1.+ , C, ;S:tatt7urep;t;s. an.dpe~?on.al 'data frorn \ s~.uq;ents ,f! QeIlfidenti;al I i:ies-, ', Al,thqu:~;&lt; ; 'f .y~£:r~p:~i~~fic .~~iV.id-wi.lsJ were'\ n9t, ':fl\am~(t, thepr , f'elt&lt;.th~ £otm : o~~ : ,t{t~ \~~ \ t" , ~dth:e ; J.-llalu~+o~ofpers,onQ.l. ~ data r~present(i}d l?4l ; l.:o,vasJ,:on of ,p--I'l.vaO!; S4:~ . .s . Cho,:il:'Il1aii· \ C;Li4~dn$theridege" ~e;ll~,d Fred;:a~rga,do:q, 6:r,. the' , ' evening! ~f'()'Ct ~&lt;' Hf;;. /' \ , tp pe9:.1J.~~.t,tb,e rem.oVal .o.r \tb,is mO,,'teJ?ial"f~om (tl\e ,l~br~:ry . reliierv~, ~and th~ ':;: . :t;,.ej;a~u8;ri.c$,·ot ~p.~,:r:&amp;':PQrt .wi;thQutth~ p e :vs'g ;nal d~tq."
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.g,~'t~ ~· :&gt;Q : ' ,~ fIarr$adon" .s~r:--t ,~~ letter, "t.O . allblac~ stu~e~tsq?fen'dip,g ~Ae , w?;r'ki:,;q.&amp; · 1?~p~r ..; ." 'J:hfA, ;ietter, :poJ;p.teq put Yha;t ., the table,s w~r~ . c'onS1.dered .anQnym.ou.s
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ep.c:;rugh!'by the, c.Q~ttee:m.e:ql:ber? .~6 Pl?8,0 1 'llc&lt;ie , i&lt;ientitfjica)::ion of ~.:ind,;i;vidu~J.. Bla;c1!s py .o.nYP~t? otll~~:r: ( than fr , ehdSopdl 't~at' the data ~W'.as n~eded t'p igi ve i th~rbug:tt ~cpnsi, d~rationto th~ prohlElIl~ofJ ,; Plack student recrlii tri.r~:r:;rt' , '; and. \ . , that.,Yh~paper had tab e ',l l~ft in' th, : l:ib,rary'beca~s~ ya;rious stu9-ent's , a:o,d e pt9fe"8s·9r~ . ~llld be" interested in~eading the report£t:¥4~iscu?s\-ing " view:' points before , th~ 'Oct'.. l4p1 ee ting . .,. ' , i., ,'" '" ... !
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.Nciv.' 3,: $ASSTel~p.s&lt;99-a ! Serl.e~of ': om.plainu$ and re'comrnend8. ~.ions :eeg?-r&lt;i1ng , c the W9r'1q.n,g paper •.: mhe . s1;;udents ()bj.ected to the fact that :Qhey were not , cons-q1 teCi before the'wri ting of therepq:rt; SASS had.1 - intite . prev{o~s yep.r, arrno'Unc'ed' ,that ' it sho1Jld' b.e consulted iJ(l aJ:I matt~:rS relat;i.ng. 'to ' bJ.,ac:H: ·::.s;tui,ient.i. -.:T.he.;\Li'e.1.1{ ..-'tlfat' only\ tahl5'3s; 51 ~rLq. 6 should l:i{lv~ been ~emoved from 'the , .;p~pe~.t. t.o be ·:se:p.J.,Il~?d . by' rarle;es, ; P?rG,(f.9. tages, . ,a~d ?: statein'(nttQ~he effect that g-eneral1.za t1.ons were \ ve-r1.f1.e'd by c onf1.den t1.al recoI'ds. F1.n~lly, . the studerrts ' ob j ected to the, C'&lt;?~ ttBe 1' 8 decision ~o ,keep the 'report intp.c~ wi tl1:9ut"'m~et'ing wi tb mernp,ersof S}SS, to . discu~splnd c/onsi.der ' the:i~9b- . ' ' . Je,6 t&lt; ions. " ' ~J;:te .cQIJ1plain ts PD..per alsQ , took .: iSS1l9 with !11 Il,umb., r, of footnbtes e
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WIrY WE CAN iT Wil l'l'

The first Black student pr obably came to SW8.rthmore around 1942. It's hard to track down this preccd0nt·=setting history-making event in the Swarthmorea.·&gt; because verJ little written evidence exists, and this history must be shY'ouded, therefore, by hearsay, recollection and uncertainty. Before that date, there VII'ere a number of frustrated efforts to deSE.~ate the college and break the color linG that had existed by gentlemen's agreement. True illustrations may shecl light on. this point o In his Memoirs, Charles J. Darlington, 1915, relates the story that his SwarthmoreDean' of JVIe:l, lf1liJ.liam A c Alexander, told him of Black admissions at SwarthrnoI' e" 1905 tJt yle o Th e college had unknowingly accepted a very light-skinned Neg 1 'o rrale because the admissions information was gathered from fill ed-cut ques -cimmaires and from photographs", without the now required inte:;:'vieH &lt; As C:Lar les De.rlington recounts it: When he 81';:,i ";,Te d :! t v;::u:; .f"OUi..'C~ th3 t he was a Negro boy. His picture was sha ded in ~uc~ ~ way th&amp;t this fact had not been obvious c. The c- ollege ·~\r 8.:'~ J.n an enDc.rras sing quandary. No Negroes had ever b ec:.! a;:.'t;'l:::'tt 3cL As IlJU.ec tl said, "It just wasn't done" Ii .£\.I'I~e::."" lLl,ch hee.:::-t . searching by the college administration and p::..~ obabl~F-[·0ffi.G·-ln 8r;b·el""s '-o f the Board, the boy and his p a r ents wer e to~.d tha t an. e~ror had been made. The college was very S OI'l"Y '!'Yll"j he could not be permitted to en t er" - - ---- .-,----..- - -..- .,---,. - - - -.,-Everett Lee Hunt in ti.l e Revo lt of 1,he College Intellectual gives us a glimpse into Dep l'ess io'il=-8t]T8 -sw,i'i:-fEmoj::::-e'~31ack admissions. Everett Hunt narrates: In 1932 a Negro f::."om a PhiladeJ_phia High School decided to apply to Swarthmore, He .:o..s a p:::-.omincnt athlete; had a good background i:1 elasnics J his major interest; was president of' the stude nt government 8nd popular with his fellows; and, except for his color, was a logical candidate for open scholarship o Th e admission of colored students had nev or been appro7ed by the Board of Managers, and so th e Admissio:cJ.E:: Commi t t ee r e feJ:'r e d the application to the Board. After 0.. long discussion it decided by a large majority t~at Negro students could not yet be admi tted to a coerluca tionaJ_ colleGe like Swarthmore. Their admission lrJould 1'o.. j 2e too mn.n y p':"~ 0blems and create too many difficul t-is s, 'J:hG-"'·:' Ha s t:;ene ral satisfaction at the happy so ~lutj ,,).0. :,;j_'O!.: &lt;c'~:J(;d 'J '-J ['80.n 3re ight , just p,rrived from Dartmou th~ ~~e~ h ~ £0~ t~8 boy accopted there with a large schol 8,l"'::.L i pc ,;1.1'.0.£1 ' 8 ,:::-,11ego s83J1.o d just the place for him~

No doubt, its e}J:-ca~Cr~;J. 88.~·,":..8 f'o2. a Qual\:or schoo l like Swarthmore to have racial skelet o n::: i!~~ i-he" C!('i';G~;. T'h f: Quakers , one of the first group to come out against ;';}[,-'J8ry ,. La '. 0 1,':n[T hQd 0. social activist creed which rw_ns directly c r.:;1..:.n tn , 'c() t.h (~ ~.'D.ci[:l f;\ '::;:; ,Je on s in the closet of Quaker . Swarthmore Colleg e c 'i'.no ~( c. :i !&lt;I~~ cue: }"L'ac r;:;_00 o f the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting voices th e ::3c!d o..l-·c.~o2~'8-::,n -..t'l1a:C-Fr1end.s have tr~di tionally had in racial justico c
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�' The plight of , native races and disadvantaged ' groups in Africa, India, Asia, Europe and America which so heavily weighted upon the minds and hearts of members of the Commission on Racial Justice, places both a responsibility and opportunity before the Society of Friends ' ~ I1isunderstandings and bitterness which divide economic gpoups and national gover,illhents re~t~' ip no small measure upon race prejudi6e. Jf the c&amp;uses of ~ indus,trial and . international wars are to ' bf;:removed, 'effective work must be done in improving the s'tatusQf disadvantaged grOUPSD

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.ytrat SASS , end6 (.;.-;;' ors by presenting its .demands is to close the gap at Swarthmore between faith and practice and thus help the college reach its full potential as an educational ' J.nsti tution in the profes 's ed service of ' a better American society. Th}s willcomE3 about, by pr:oviding talented ' Black youths wi th the academ;ic competence to, ' filllction on ,two leViels. Because of its ' intense aDd , rigorousedue,ational ' experienc~, Swar'thmore , College coul~be :, a , traini:qg ground ,for Black scholars ,and~lack leaders. Bla~k f Swn.rtbinor;e alumni could, one day be vJOrkingat t1).e frontiers of ' knowledge ' in Brack studies, doing , he new scholarship anq, unea rthing .a t : ' vital Dody" o':(~nowledgG~ ' SHarthmore could gi ve its Black alumni the ,,' __ , intell e,c tunJ: . d1,scipline and analytic pmvers to look a t the hard, complex is sues. ,thai; ~ lac;k : l eade r .ship ll1Till e ncounter ip future years. , his is ' T the [d-rn 'of· 'the' SASS demands. '- - ' '''' l ';"" " . . " _. In order - to''' beBla c}:- :scr," "'. ars ;and6.Bla ck leaders, howe~er ~ SW$,rthJpore~ Black college · studeritswill chave . to possesse : viable Black identiti~sJ ffi ~ sense of group pr'i de 8:Qddestiny which can only ' come about ;:througtl in' .' , " . di vidual ' 'S,elf:.:t,ar,:.-· :"y.si s· 'and, SEilf':',defini tion. In a predomin&amp; tely whi te, CoIl ege' like , Swarth.'YJ1ore, th e Blac- students group plays , a very important ' k ", counter ~ soci.alization role ' in nuturing the viable selfhood" for p::roi9.uctive.' From th:i,s gO?tls flqwsth e rationale for Black atudents at SwartbJnore . and " " the legitimacy of ' SASS.

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~his is a nec~isary conclusion that thinking Black students &amp;re coming too Thus SASS enjoys thepassi.ve ., if not the active ~upport' of virtually all the Black s ,tp,dents · on campus 0 ' To illustrate thi;3 . po;Lnt, after student .,cou,:lcil "endorsed the orginal ,SASS demands, .aT).d'· c.ertain ,'. · white administrators were sug(l~ 6sting that SA,SSWRS an i'll egiMnate, Un'r ep res entati v~org8ni'zation, the " group , conducted cin int e rnal poll und found tha·t , a ll but six of , the Blac·k s,tudents on the .c ampus ' werB wi~ling to goon r e c ord as ' SASS memb e rs .. White Sw'a rthmore. waS shown that s oIne of ' therc ' b es t f r i E(nds a rE; not , Negroes.

On a ' cdmpu~ t ·h at profess es, to b e . li fer~ l and enlightened, wh ,:.&lt;. do e s SASS ene'ount,e r ; SCi ; much r esis tance and misunderstanding in itm ~ g'oals of s.elf-definitioh and self ··det,e rmina'Gion for BJ:ack peoplo~' A ' great doal of the a nsw e r li e s ir:. fa:;,'::; t~at tho College suffers from whi to liberal mind set on'r'ac~ r ea lt5,ons o ' By~ that ~ve . meo.n that Swarthmore "Coliege as an institution has 8 "Love roe, I'm a lib e ral!!' approach to race , r e lations tha t.phil Ochs in Concert ~ satirizes. In oth e r words, because the College was founded 1.-mder Quaker aegi s, ,a nd becaus e its adminis tra tors r a is e money for !~Tade House&gt; a nd b eca use its faculty h e lps run Upward Bounq.,

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and because its students tutor Chest e r Kids, lily white Swarthmore automat~ ically assumes it's the racial scene and doing the best it can . 1A te Thi liberal , Swarthmore has been content to push for racial justice and Black " self-de~qrmination in Chester, or Philadelphia, or Media, rather than in its own backyard. Black Power is good in Chest8r, but bad in the ~ampus. The racism of the outer white society stops at the edge of college property~ because Swarthmore College, a small Co-educational LIBERAL liberal arts 11 miles southwest of Philadelphia, because the campus comrnunity is one big happy racial family~ How long can basically descent people lull th8mselves into the fragile and status quo "oomplacency of rosy-eyed sb.cchc..rino exist~nco, whe re everybody' is' suppoSed to be co1-or blind 'and , and unpre judiced?' , This fantasy world ,can never exist in a society that waS nutured on racism and in which it still runs rampant. Very few, if any, white people in contemporary America have or can elude the racist virus b e cause it is ," ubiquitous: cmd deep-seated. But there is one hope, there isa way to work ourseJves out of this sad dilemma -to faco the hard, cold, cruel reali ty of the racic~J cris is.Because tho vague and accusatory word racist· ", ~onnotes []D " otrert, virulent bigot clubbing poor def ensel e ss Negroes, whito liberals concerned with social justice, don't like to see the term bandied about. Doubtless, this is a typical Swarthmore reaction. Be'cause some of our best friends are white liberals, many SASS members are careful with their racial labels. Yet to many "Love me" liberals, the term white liberal itself must seem at times an epfthet. Whatever the label, all are members of the Master Race in a society in which the legitimllt~d belief in the inferiority of Blacks is deeply ingrained, and pervasive. Every white is not to blame for a racist America, but every white is in some degree responsible. , Thus to combat Smith an~ r~~BiS of Swarthmore Colle£A7 ~lle liberal Quaker school has a r8sponsible racism pn~ uqvance racial equality. We hope that Prosident Dwarthmore College will not turn their backs on the greater this century.

"",

SASS proceeds with a clear conscience, can Swarthmore College?'

~

The Swarthmore Afro-Ame rical1 Students' Society

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        <name>Clinton Etheridge</name>
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        <name>Don Mizell</name>
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        <name>Frederick Hargadon</name>
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                <text>[Minutes of the Black Studies Curriculum Committee 11/20/1968]</text>
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I

Swarthmore College Swarthmore, Pennsylvania 7 January 1970

Memorandum To: From: Fa cuI ty and Students Ad Hoc Black Admissions Committee The attached Memorandum to President Cross comprises AHBAC's recommendations concerning- Black admissions policy at Swarthmore. It is felt that the report will be of interest

to the faculty and students.

Gilmore stott Chairman

�SWARTHMORE COLLEGE Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

5 January 1970
Memorandtun To: From: Subject: President Robert D. Cross Ad Hoc Black Admissions Committee Recommendations con6erning Black admissions policy

The faculty action of last January which established AHBAC included in its responsibilities: "To review admissions standards and procedures involved in evaluating black applicants, to recommend standards and procedures to be applied to black applicants, and in particular to propose means for implementing black admissions policy. Specifically, the committee shall also review and make recommendations concerning the College's geographical pattern of recruitment of black and other minority group students. II "To prepare reports as it sees fit." Last spring, at the request of the Curriculum Committee, AHBAC provided comments and recommendations concerning the report of that Committee's Sub-Committee on Post-Ehrollment Education. This Memorandum constitutes a report in response to the charge from the faculty which is quoted above. Endorsed by all members of the Committee, the report is based on a working paper concerning policy prepared last summer by Don Mizell '71 at the request of AHBAC. We point out, also, that the report was prepared after consultation of numerous written materials in the field of Black admissions, and conversations between the Committee and the following consultants: Dr. Donald M. Henderson, Director, Experiment in Higher Education, Southern Illinois University, East st. Louis, Illinois 62201

425

Dr. Andress Taylor, Department of English, Federal City College, Second Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.

Robert Kirkpatrick, Assistant Dean of Admissions, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut Harold Davis, Office of Admissions, Wesleyan University The Committee makes this report so as to provide a way of implementing the policy of the faculty as it is stated in the actions concerning Black admissions taken last January. If questions occur about procedures to be used in carrying out these recommendations, we ask that such questions be discussed with the Committee, and that comments about policy issues which may arise be brought back to the Committee. We encourage discussion of our report, and would respond to proposals that may be brought to us which ask for further deliberation or review~

�-2-

The educational system still makes the mistake of judging students by their past, ~egardless of how miserable or hopeless it may have been, rather than on their fUtu~e or promise. Sociological sophistication and misplaced compassion may sometimes be as damaging as insensitivity and prejudice. A system of higher education resigned to failure because its potential clientele is the product of ghettoes, slums and/or broken homes becomes an accomplice in victimizing stUdents. The colleges and universities, more than any other level of the American educational systam, , have exhibited inertia, lack of inventiveness, and lack of openness to pedagogical innovation. Horace Mann Bond, Dean of Education at Atlanta University, was justified in saying there is no question that "the universities will be sorely pressed to attempt to comply with the demands of the Black students while clinging to their traditional procedures and formulations: It The Committee is not in a position to chart out what specific changes in method or content of instruction may be called for as students from this different kind of experience and background come in larger nUmbers to colleges such as our own. we do point out that inclusion of a new type of student implies serious consideration of new approaches to educational method and content. We emphasize that we sharply distinguish between this advice, and any euphemism for a predicted "lowering of standards II. The College now has some rather clearly defined standards of admission, but very few precisely stated standards of educational accomplishment. Such standards as exist, for example percentage going on to respectable graduate schools, are certainly not incontrovertible. The new situation is a ~amic situation, bringing with it opportunities to reexamine the goals of a Swarthmore education and those all-important standards of educational achievement which now remain largely undefined. This will enable us to revitalize an educational tradition which, despite acknowledged virtues, has grown too static. The new type of student asks new questions, does not take for granted the relevance of our standard forms of approach to the problems of understanding and of action as seen from his perspective, In broad outline, we understand this perspective to imply the following: this new type of student will demand a more integrated and problem-oriented curriculum -- a curriculum which combines theoretical and practical concerns and brings knowledge and methods acquired in diverse academic disciplines to bear upon the solution to specific problems confronting these stUdents. We encourage faculty receptivity to these new stimuli which we expect from the inclusion of a larger Black student group. At the same time we expect that these students, faced with the more traditional approach to liberal education now largely represented by the Collegels fac\ll.ty, will benefit from a confrontation with that approach. We believe that this will create a new and dynamic mixture of the College community which has a great potential for a more challenging and stimulating educational experience. Our admissions officers and counsellors should actively advise the faculty not simply on how we can teach these young people to learn our way, but on how their perspectives can change and enliven our way. With a new Office of Research Support, we expect its functions would include the seeking of evidence on the effectiveness of educational methods, both old and new, with respect to students of different backgrounds. Such control and feedback is of the utmost importance i f we want our program to be successful.

�-3Those few colleges which have explored new criteria for determining the potential of, Black students (generally lower-class) for success in studies at White colleges, -have been pleasantly surprised with their academic performance. Doxey Wilkerson, educational research specialist at Yeshiva University, has observed that
IfThe early experiences of these colleges show that the black students they considered high risks have quite frequently performed as well as did their regularly admitted classmates. Clearly, many of these students lack the money, the test scores or the high school preparation to compete on an equal footing for space in college. There is far less evidence to indicate that they lack the ability, the talent or the desire to succeed at college -- even according to the standards by which college is so generally determined.

'~oreover, evidence mounts to prove that the 'cultural deprivation' hypothesis is bankrupt. Like its predecessor, the doctrine of 'genetic inferiority', it is untenable as an explanation for the prevailing academic retardation among students from the ghetto. When provided with learning experiences appropriate to their developmental needs, these students, despite their impoverished economic background, do learn effectively. Their academic failure must be attributed in large measure to inappropriate learning experiences in school. If

(from Compensatory Education for the Disadvantaged) In addition Kenneth Clark, in a study done for National Scholarship Service and Fund for Negro Students, found that SAT scores either fail alto~ gether to predict academic performance of Black students at integrated colleges, or else underestimate their performance as compared to W hites. We should not, however, dismiss tests as completely irrelevant, as they do give some minimal indication of basic skills for reasoning with words and numbers that a student has acquired, presumably as a consequence of having gone to school. If he appears to be deficient in these skills and if we believe such skills have some relevance to success in college, then it is important that we become aware of these deficiencies, so that we can take specific remedial action as early as possible. We add the caution, however, that the standard pre-college tests do not offer information about these students' total potential, and offer no more than limited information about academic potential; such tests therefore should not be used to deny admission to a disadvantaged Black student, though they may serve as a guide for the nature and direction of our support programs. If -- as is argued by most of our consultants and the various sources we have explored -- tests reflect a strong cultural bias, i.e. White-middle class, then they are not adequate for measuring the potential of candidates whose experiences fall outside the tests' orientation. What, then, are some functional alternatives. The Committee's information indicates that colleges have to re-examine some fundamental assumptions about talent, creativity, and ability, and how these factors are related to admissions decisions. One question we should consider is whether we seek candidates whose records and credentials point only in the direction of academic achievement, or whether we are interested in those candidates whose priorities are more creatively oriented.

�-4"

The committee believes we will find greater success, including 'academic success , if we concentrate ,on the latter type candidate. There is latent academic talent and creativity tha~is not shown at the high school level, because such accomplishments are not as much acknowledged and praised by peers as other endeavors. If a Black candidate has heretofore been applying his talent and creativity effectively in other areas, this does not mean he cannot do satisfactory academic work at Swarthmore. The current admissions process slights emotive and motivating factors in favor of intellective factors; but the former ' are equally important, frequently more important, to the success of the Black s tudent. We suggest that our predictive criteria' .should consist of both intellective and non-intellective factors; and that our predictive criteria have broader concerns than academic achievement alone. The goal should be more than possession of superior aptitudes and abilities, and more than superior academic achievement; it should include actualization of the self in accomplishment. In the long run we want to identif.y those who in their own way will succeed. We wish to promote the self development of young people who will create and contribute to the improvement of the system -- not merely conform to it. That is to say, we are interested in the potentially scholastically competent who are also creatively oriented. Wallach (a Swarthmore graduate) and Wing, in a book called The Talented Student, comment: "Scores on achievement tests respond to systematic, intense, enlightened instruction and encouragement ••• but ••• such an authoritarian atmosphere, firm in discipline and over-control in children in more 'privileged' families may stifle creativity ••• (whereas) ••• the greater independence and non-conformity of the disadvantaged who succeed academically enables them to grasp the meanings and implications of experience •• " Locating such talent necessitates taking into consideration the ecological field in which the candidate must operate, and the obstructive forces preventing him from realizing his full capabilities. Kenneth Clark writes: "Academic aspiration, achievements and creativity are not only a function of intellect but in a more complex and definitive way, a function of the individual's image of himself, what he has been told about himself, what is expected of him, and what he has accepted as the essence of his identity from childhood through adolescence. There is a complex relationship between expectation and social ego learning." If a student is rewarded for accomplishments as a leader but finds no such responses as a scholar (given the remnants of the internalized inferiority complex derived from insecurities about the integrity of differences projected by White culture), he will consequently excel at being a leader, which of course does not eliminate the possibility of academic talent. Dr. Don Henderson points out that often the student lacks perspective on what colleges can mean. This lack of perspective, and consequent need for an extended period of adjustment, have all too often been mistakenly interpreted as lack of motivation, as low aspiration or absence of self-confidence on the part of the stUdents. It seems likely, then, that a talented student who is operat. ing from this vantage point may only seem to be an unlikely prospect for Swarthmore. ----

�-5"

kind of qualities should we look for in a candidate coming from a background sC? different from the usual applicant? The Committee proposes that the most productiv~ method of assessing talent is by evaluating the person as a whole. A student who displays confidence, self-assurance, self-assertiveness in situations of his own choosing; a student who has high levels of energy channeled effectively in whatever endeavor; who is vigorous and spontaneous, persistent and resourceful in the face of social obstacles; who can be realistic about himself, seeing himself objectively and analytically so as to assess the si tua tion when "things go wroni"; such a . student is a good prospect for Swarthmore. This, generally speaking, would be the candidate who achieves via independence as opposed to the one who achieves via conformity. We should seek to answer questions such as: how has he fared relative to his environment's needs and standards? what has he achieved? what is his image of himself? what impression does he make on others (recommendations should, however, be used cautiously unless the person evaluating the candidate has a good knowledge of Swarthmore)? ~\fe should look for personality factors such as a) motivation, b) toughness, c) sense of self-adequacy and self-knowledge, d) ability to argue a point effectively (either orally or in writing), e) creativity, f) originality, g) an inquiring habit of mind, h) sense of identity, i) sense of destiny, j) likability, k) imagination, 1) aspiration -- placing no pre-conceived priority on one of these qualities over the others. 3ecommendation 1: The criteria indicated above should be given priority in reaching decisions concerning Black admissions. There should be heav,y reliance on interviews and letters of recommendation which give evidence of the personality factors which have been described. Adhering to the criteria described above rather than to conventional 'standardized' criteria will we believe produce a student who has the capacity to make it here, but who may initially be deficient in some skills. It is our view that active recruitment of such lower-income academically disadvantaged youth does not need to lower standards at all, if a transitional adjustment period is provided prior to the undertaking of regular course work. There is no need to lower standards if we postpone application of the standards until the students have made a reasonable adjustment, after which the regular standards can be applied. We propose, therefore Recommendation 2: Establishment of a summer pre-enrollment program which would be required of all students judged to be in need of it. The summer program would be designed to increase proficiency in reading, writing, concept mastery, and argumentation; to ease difficulties of social and academic adjustment; and to instill confidence for the coming year. The program ought to emphasize understanding of the Black experience, in an attempt to combat same of the destructive information the student has internalized about himself; and this process will enhance the student's ability and willingness to learn. By making the program directly relevant to the student's experience, he not only gains information but also sharpens the skills necessary for college studies.

l~t

�-6If it "is feasible, we would favor undertaking such a . .sununer preenrollment program in cooperation with Haverford and Bryn Mawr. It is felt that a combined p~ogr~· might well be more stimulating and more socially interesting than a program limited to our own students. In budgeting for such a program, we point out that for same students an allowance, to help compensate for summer employment foregone, would be desirable. Because the problem of I stigma I. cannot exist until the rest of the student body is present, a fairly structured, intensely academic program can be implemented. We recommend that it be de-centralized and personalized, emphasizing tutorial instruction. 1{hen the fall term begins, support would shift to a flexible program built around individual tutoring, under the supervision of the counsellor to Black students. While the sununer program would have a strong academic emphasis, counselling on a personal level would be provided to counteract the negative anddestructive elements in the lives of the students; indeed, some argue that this emphasis is likely to be more productive in preparing the student for college than any other effort. It is imperative that during the adjustment period the students have capable and continuing support in bridging the gap between themselves and the Swarthmore system. The difficulties to be encountered are products of varying combinations of factors, and within a given sub-group ~he circumstances and contributing factors may vary as much as they do between subgroups. Individual counselling is essential. Finally, some words of caution:.,
1) Swarthmore must not ask of them a degree of change far greater than any Swarthmore is willing to make to respond to their needs.

.

2) We must discard the notion of these students being pathological deviants. They are different. They have strengths and vleaknesses. Let us recognize the strengths and eliminate the weaknesses. We suspect it will be found that this group does not exist as a unitary group but as a multi-variant group.
3) We must avoid seeing them as potentially middle-class stUdents. They are different, but they can gain the skills necessary to succeed here in whatever manner they deem feasible. We can analyze some of the compensatory programs already in operation to determine the specific character of ours.

If we see the cogency of the above proposals, we must be aware that reaching and recruiting this kind of student will necessitat.e some changes in admissions procedure. Experiences of Black students prior to college are generally quite different £rom those of White stUdents. This fact strongly implies that these differences hinder a fair admissions process so long as the process selects candidates with a single set of criteria in mind. A more constructi veapproach would be to compare the strengths and qualifications of Black students within the Black applicant group. We therefore propose: Recommendation 3: That changes in admissions procedures be made which are necessary to ensure admittance of the best qualified applicants identified by this process. Applicants in this group should be compared with each other, and the criteria applied should be relevant to the experiences of the applicants.

�-7Such an approach would be a positive step toward assessing the adequacy of the aforementioned variables for predicting success for this type cf student. By selecting a student on the basis of his qualifications compared to those who have had fairly ·s~ilar experiences, we can be assured of enrolling the most promising candidates. At the same time we would further explore an area that has as yet to yield hard and fast data on more relevant criteria for judging Black students. We should not, however, simply select students on the basis or how they look when compared to others in the applicant pool. We should also be concerned with how a student fared relative to the conditions he was faced with. Finding a balance between inte~ and intra-evaluational criteria will probably result in a stronger Black student population. The committee recognizes there are certain limitations on the number of unconventionally qualified students that can be admitted. This circumstance should not, however, place limitations on the total number of Black students admitted to the College, many of whom will be part of the larger pool of conventionally qualified candidates. We propose: Recommendation 4: That the practice of admitting unconventionally qualified Black students be continued. Recommendation "5: That conventionally qualified Black applicants be offered admission regardless of the target number for Black students for a particular year specified in faculty actions of January 1969. Our new directions may, however, meet with frustration if we are unable to attract Black students to attend Swarthmore. This is a definite possibility, since 1) Swarthmore lacks charisma in the Black community, and 2) other colleges are making increasing efforts to recruit. We therefore propose: Recommendation 6: That there be more comprehensive recruitment to increase Black admissions candidates; and that there be use of student help to make this possible. This Admissions Office should utilize more fully the resources of the Black student population through their organization, SASS, to encourage such students to attend here. Designated individuals, for missions agreed upon, should be paid for their services. The rationale is simple: Black students have an intimate knowledge of the kinds of experience of young high school Black students, and subsequently of their concerns and questions about college in general, and White colleges in particular. Moreover, they can convey their impressions of what it is like to be Black at Swarthmore in a much more effective and persuasive manner than would be possible for someone who is not a Black student. Wesleyan, Northwestern, Br,yn Mawr, Antioch and Harvard have adopted this method and the results have been impressive. Recruiting forays into the South, Southeast and Northern urban. ghettoes ought to produce many more applicants per year. We should contact at least 3,000 students a year. But physical recruiting is only one aspect: correspondence with prospective students, hosting them when on campus and evaluating them in interviews are all avenues that students ought to be involved in, for greater results.

�....

..
"

-8In addition, alumni and lihite students might be used more extensively when Black candidates turn up in their respective areas. When "possible we should encourage the students and their guidance counselors to visit the campus, making funds ~ avail~ble for on-campus meals and lodging. This latter especially will enhance our visibility and charisma in the Black community. If we are dealing with a candidate from a school with which we have had no previous contact, and if we find the candidate unacceptable for admission, we ought to explain why, so that we keep lines of faith and communication open with the people who recommended him, in order to have a source for future reference • . ,
~,

As a postscript to the matter of recruitment, we mention as a point of information that during the past summer Don Mizell '71 wrote, at AHBAC's request, a promotional brochure for Black admissions, entitled "Black at Swarthmore". The brochure received AHBAC's unanimous endorsement, and is to be published by the College and the Office of Admissions in the near future. The students we are referring to will have greater financial need than we are currently able to provide, since -- with significant numbers of high need students -- the total scholarship need is likely to move up sharply. We therefore propose: Recommendation tIns endeavor.

1:

That increased scholarship funds be made available to support

Further, there are many potential transfer students who, if given the opportunity, could make a meaningful contribution to the life of the College. We believe there are ways of increasing the number of such transfers in ways that would avoid "raiding" predominantly Black institutions. lie therefore propose: Recommendation 8: A new policy which will facilitate the admission of Black transfer students, waiving the financial aid restriction in cases where this can be done with the agreement of the institution from which the student comes. It is obvious that the issues covered in this report are interrelated; any proposals that this committee would make that did not acknowledge this fact would be short-sighted. We must recognize that a commitment to the principle of educating economically disadvantaged Black students will necessarily mean some restructuring of the entire admissions procedure; it will mean a greater expenditure of money to make our efforts successful (if we are serious); and it will require a psychological readiness on the part of those at this college to deal with the new experience that is inevitable if we implement our plans. If we are only half-serious or half-committed to providing a quality educational opportunity to those who might otherwise be denied it, we should be frank to say so. But we must be aware that elitism threatens to take chances both with the quality of education and with the welfare of our society. William P. Cline Uwe Henke Franciena King '72 Asmarom Lagesse Don Mizell '71 Jean Perkins Alan Robin '70 Gilmore Stott (Chairman) Delmar Thompson '72 Aundrea ifui te '70

�</text>
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I

Swarthmore College Swarthmore, Pennsylvania 7 January 1970

Memorandum To: From: Fa cuI ty and Students Ad Hoc Black Admissions Committee The attached Memorandum to President Cross comprises AHBAC's recommendations concerning- Black admissions policy at Swarthmore. It is felt that the report will be of interest

to the faculty and students.

Gilmore stott Chairman

�SWARTHMORE COLLEGE Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

5 January 1970
Memorandtun To: From: Subject: President Robert D. Cross Ad Hoc Black Admissions Committee Recommendations con6erning Black admissions policy

The faculty action of last January which established AHBAC included in its responsibilities: "To review admissions standards and procedures involved in evaluating black applicants, to recommend standards and procedures to be applied to black applicants, and in particular to propose means for implementing black admissions policy. Specifically, the committee shall also review and make recommendations concerning the College's geographical pattern of recruitment of black and other minority group students. II "To prepare reports as it sees fit." Last spring, at the request of the Curriculum Committee, AHBAC provided comments and recommendations concerning the report of that Committee's Sub-Committee on Post-Ehrollment Education. This Memorandum constitutes a report in response to the charge from the faculty which is quoted above. Endorsed by all members of the Committee, the report is based on a working paper concerning policy prepared last summer by Don Mizell '71 at the request of AHBAC. We point out, also, that the report was prepared after consultation of numerous written materials in the field of Black admissions, and conversations between the Committee and the following consultants: Dr. Donald M. Henderson, Director, Experiment in Higher Education, Southern Illinois University, East st. Louis, Illinois 62201

425

Dr. Andress Taylor, Department of English, Federal City College, Second Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.

Robert Kirkpatrick, Assistant Dean of Admissions, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut Harold Davis, Office of Admissions, Wesleyan University The Committee makes this report so as to provide a way of implementing the policy of the faculty as it is stated in the actions concerning Black admissions taken last January. If questions occur about procedures to be used in carrying out these recommendations, we ask that such questions be discussed with the Committee, and that comments about policy issues which may arise be brought back to the Committee. We encourage discussion of our report, and would respond to proposals that may be brought to us which ask for further deliberation or review~

�-2-

The educational system still makes the mistake of judging students by their past, ~egardless of how miserable or hopeless it may have been, rather than on their fUtu~e or promise. Sociological sophistication and misplaced compassion may sometimes be as damaging as insensitivity and prejudice. A system of higher education resigned to failure because its potential clientele is the product of ghettoes, slums and/or broken homes becomes an accomplice in victimizing stUdents. The colleges and universities, more than any other level of the American educational systam, , have exhibited inertia, lack of inventiveness, and lack of openness to pedagogical innovation. Horace Mann Bond, Dean of Education at Atlanta University, was justified in saying there is no question that "the universities will be sorely pressed to attempt to comply with the demands of the Black students while clinging to their traditional procedures and formulations: It The Committee is not in a position to chart out what specific changes in method or content of instruction may be called for as students from this different kind of experience and background come in larger nUmbers to colleges such as our own. we do point out that inclusion of a new type of student implies serious consideration of new approaches to educational method and content. We emphasize that we sharply distinguish between this advice, and any euphemism for a predicted "lowering of standards II. The College now has some rather clearly defined standards of admission, but very few precisely stated standards of educational accomplishment. Such standards as exist, for example percentage going on to respectable graduate schools, are certainly not incontrovertible. The new situation is a ~amic situation, bringing with it opportunities to reexamine the goals of a Swarthmore education and those all-important standards of educational achievement which now remain largely undefined. This will enable us to revitalize an educational tradition which, despite acknowledged virtues, has grown too static. The new type of student asks new questions, does not take for granted the relevance of our standard forms of approach to the problems of understanding and of action as seen from his perspective, In broad outline, we understand this perspective to imply the following: this new type of student will demand a more integrated and problem-oriented curriculum -- a curriculum which combines theoretical and practical concerns and brings knowledge and methods acquired in diverse academic disciplines to bear upon the solution to specific problems confronting these stUdents. We encourage faculty receptivity to these new stimuli which we expect from the inclusion of a larger Black student group. At the same time we expect that these students, faced with the more traditional approach to liberal education now largely represented by the Collegels fac\ll.ty, will benefit from a confrontation with that approach. We believe that this will create a new and dynamic mixture of the College community which has a great potential for a more challenging and stimulating educational experience. Our admissions officers and counsellors should actively advise the faculty not simply on how we can teach these young people to learn our way, but on how their perspectives can change and enliven our way. With a new Office of Research Support, we expect its functions would include the seeking of evidence on the effectiveness of educational methods, both old and new, with respect to students of different backgrounds. Such control and feedback is of the utmost importance i f we want our program to be successful.

�-3Those few colleges which have explored new criteria for determining the potential of, Black students (generally lower-class) for success in studies at White colleges, -have been pleasantly surprised with their academic performance. Doxey Wilkerson, educational research specialist at Yeshiva University, has observed that
IfThe early experiences of these colleges show that the black students they considered high risks have quite frequently performed as well as did their regularly admitted classmates. Clearly, many of these students lack the money, the test scores or the high school preparation to compete on an equal footing for space in college. There is far less evidence to indicate that they lack the ability, the talent or the desire to succeed at college -- even according to the standards by which college is so generally determined.

'~oreover, evidence mounts to prove that the 'cultural deprivation' hypothesis is bankrupt. Like its predecessor, the doctrine of 'genetic inferiority', it is untenable as an explanation for the prevailing academic retardation among students from the ghetto. When provided with learning experiences appropriate to their developmental needs, these students, despite their impoverished economic background, do learn effectively. Their academic failure must be attributed in large measure to inappropriate learning experiences in school. If

(from Compensatory Education for the Disadvantaged) In addition Kenneth Clark, in a study done for National Scholarship Service and Fund for Negro Students, found that SAT scores either fail alto~ gether to predict academic performance of Black students at integrated colleges, or else underestimate their performance as compared to W hites. We should not, however, dismiss tests as completely irrelevant, as they do give some minimal indication of basic skills for reasoning with words and numbers that a student has acquired, presumably as a consequence of having gone to school. If he appears to be deficient in these skills and if we believe such skills have some relevance to success in college, then it is important that we become aware of these deficiencies, so that we can take specific remedial action as early as possible. We add the caution, however, that the standard pre-college tests do not offer information about these students' total potential, and offer no more than limited information about academic potential; such tests therefore should not be used to deny admission to a disadvantaged Black student, though they may serve as a guide for the nature and direction of our support programs. If -- as is argued by most of our consultants and the various sources we have explored -- tests reflect a strong cultural bias, i.e. White-middle class, then they are not adequate for measuring the potential of candidates whose experiences fall outside the tests' orientation. What, then, are some functional alternatives. The Committee's information indicates that colleges have to re-examine some fundamental assumptions about talent, creativity, and ability, and how these factors are related to admissions decisions. One question we should consider is whether we seek candidates whose records and credentials point only in the direction of academic achievement, or whether we are interested in those candidates whose priorities are more creatively oriented.

�-4"

The committee believes we will find greater success, including 'academic success , if we concentrate ,on the latter type candidate. There is latent academic talent and creativity tha~is not shown at the high school level, because such accomplishments are not as much acknowledged and praised by peers as other endeavors. If a Black candidate has heretofore been applying his talent and creativity effectively in other areas, this does not mean he cannot do satisfactory academic work at Swarthmore. The current admissions process slights emotive and motivating factors in favor of intellective factors; but the former ' are equally important, frequently more important, to the success of the Black s tudent. We suggest that our predictive criteria' .should consist of both intellective and non-intellective factors; and that our predictive criteria have broader concerns than academic achievement alone. The goal should be more than possession of superior aptitudes and abilities, and more than superior academic achievement; it should include actualization of the self in accomplishment. In the long run we want to identif.y those who in their own way will succeed. We wish to promote the self development of young people who will create and contribute to the improvement of the system -- not merely conform to it. That is to say, we are interested in the potentially scholastically competent who are also creatively oriented. Wallach (a Swarthmore graduate) and Wing, in a book called The Talented Student, comment: "Scores on achievement tests respond to systematic, intense, enlightened instruction and encouragement ••• but ••• such an authoritarian atmosphere, firm in discipline and over-control in children in more 'privileged' families may stifle creativity ••• (whereas) ••• the greater independence and non-conformity of the disadvantaged who succeed academically enables them to grasp the meanings and implications of experience •• " Locating such talent necessitates taking into consideration the ecological field in which the candidate must operate, and the obstructive forces preventing him from realizing his full capabilities. Kenneth Clark writes: "Academic aspiration, achievements and creativity are not only a function of intellect but in a more complex and definitive way, a function of the individual's image of himself, what he has been told about himself, what is expected of him, and what he has accepted as the essence of his identity from childhood through adolescence. There is a complex relationship between expectation and social ego learning." If a student is rewarded for accomplishments as a leader but finds no such responses as a scholar (given the remnants of the internalized inferiority complex derived from insecurities about the integrity of differences projected by White culture), he will consequently excel at being a leader, which of course does not eliminate the possibility of academic talent. Dr. Don Henderson points out that often the student lacks perspective on what colleges can mean. This lack of perspective, and consequent need for an extended period of adjustment, have all too often been mistakenly interpreted as lack of motivation, as low aspiration or absence of self-confidence on the part of the stUdents. It seems likely, then, that a talented student who is operat. ing from this vantage point may only seem to be an unlikely prospect for Swarthmore. ----

�-5"

kind of qualities should we look for in a candidate coming from a background sC? different from the usual applicant? The Committee proposes that the most productiv~ method of assessing talent is by evaluating the person as a whole. A student who displays confidence, self-assurance, self-assertiveness in situations of his own choosing; a student who has high levels of energy channeled effectively in whatever endeavor; who is vigorous and spontaneous, persistent and resourceful in the face of social obstacles; who can be realistic about himself, seeing himself objectively and analytically so as to assess the si tua tion when "things go wroni"; such a . student is a good prospect for Swarthmore. This, generally speaking, would be the candidate who achieves via independence as opposed to the one who achieves via conformity. We should seek to answer questions such as: how has he fared relative to his environment's needs and standards? what has he achieved? what is his image of himself? what impression does he make on others (recommendations should, however, be used cautiously unless the person evaluating the candidate has a good knowledge of Swarthmore)? ~\fe should look for personality factors such as a) motivation, b) toughness, c) sense of self-adequacy and self-knowledge, d) ability to argue a point effectively (either orally or in writing), e) creativity, f) originality, g) an inquiring habit of mind, h) sense of identity, i) sense of destiny, j) likability, k) imagination, 1) aspiration -- placing no pre-conceived priority on one of these qualities over the others. 3ecommendation 1: The criteria indicated above should be given priority in reaching decisions concerning Black admissions. There should be heav,y reliance on interviews and letters of recommendation which give evidence of the personality factors which have been described. Adhering to the criteria described above rather than to conventional 'standardized' criteria will we believe produce a student who has the capacity to make it here, but who may initially be deficient in some skills. It is our view that active recruitment of such lower-income academically disadvantaged youth does not need to lower standards at all, if a transitional adjustment period is provided prior to the undertaking of regular course work. There is no need to lower standards if we postpone application of the standards until the students have made a reasonable adjustment, after which the regular standards can be applied. We propose, therefore Recommendation 2: Establishment of a summer pre-enrollment program which would be required of all students judged to be in need of it. The summer program would be designed to increase proficiency in reading, writing, concept mastery, and argumentation; to ease difficulties of social and academic adjustment; and to instill confidence for the coming year. The program ought to emphasize understanding of the Black experience, in an attempt to combat same of the destructive information the student has internalized about himself; and this process will enhance the student's ability and willingness to learn. By making the program directly relevant to the student's experience, he not only gains information but also sharpens the skills necessary for college studies.

l~t

�-6If it "is feasible, we would favor undertaking such a . .sununer preenrollment program in cooperation with Haverford and Bryn Mawr. It is felt that a combined p~ogr~· might well be more stimulating and more socially interesting than a program limited to our own students. In budgeting for such a program, we point out that for same students an allowance, to help compensate for summer employment foregone, would be desirable. Because the problem of I stigma I. cannot exist until the rest of the student body is present, a fairly structured, intensely academic program can be implemented. We recommend that it be de-centralized and personalized, emphasizing tutorial instruction. 1{hen the fall term begins, support would shift to a flexible program built around individual tutoring, under the supervision of the counsellor to Black students. While the sununer program would have a strong academic emphasis, counselling on a personal level would be provided to counteract the negative anddestructive elements in the lives of the students; indeed, some argue that this emphasis is likely to be more productive in preparing the student for college than any other effort. It is imperative that during the adjustment period the students have capable and continuing support in bridging the gap between themselves and the Swarthmore system. The difficulties to be encountered are products of varying combinations of factors, and within a given sub-group ~he circumstances and contributing factors may vary as much as they do between subgroups. Individual counselling is essential. Finally, some words of caution:.,
1) Swarthmore must not ask of them a degree of change far greater than any Swarthmore is willing to make to respond to their needs.

.

2) We must discard the notion of these students being pathological deviants. They are different. They have strengths and vleaknesses. Let us recognize the strengths and eliminate the weaknesses. We suspect it will be found that this group does not exist as a unitary group but as a multi-variant group.
3) We must avoid seeing them as potentially middle-class stUdents. They are different, but they can gain the skills necessary to succeed here in whatever manner they deem feasible. We can analyze some of the compensatory programs already in operation to determine the specific character of ours.

If we see the cogency of the above proposals, we must be aware that reaching and recruiting this kind of student will necessitat.e some changes in admissions procedure. Experiences of Black students prior to college are generally quite different £rom those of White stUdents. This fact strongly implies that these differences hinder a fair admissions process so long as the process selects candidates with a single set of criteria in mind. A more constructi veapproach would be to compare the strengths and qualifications of Black students within the Black applicant group. We therefore propose: Recommendation 3: That changes in admissions procedures be made which are necessary to ensure admittance of the best qualified applicants identified by this process. Applicants in this group should be compared with each other, and the criteria applied should be relevant to the experiences of the applicants.

�-7Such an approach would be a positive step toward assessing the adequacy of the aforementioned variables for predicting success for this type cf student. By selecting a student on the basis of his qualifications compared to those who have had fairly ·s~ilar experiences, we can be assured of enrolling the most promising candidates. At the same time we would further explore an area that has as yet to yield hard and fast data on more relevant criteria for judging Black students. We should not, however, simply select students on the basis or how they look when compared to others in the applicant pool. We should also be concerned with how a student fared relative to the conditions he was faced with. Finding a balance between inte~ and intra-evaluational criteria will probably result in a stronger Black student population. The committee recognizes there are certain limitations on the number of unconventionally qualified students that can be admitted. This circumstance should not, however, place limitations on the total number of Black students admitted to the College, many of whom will be part of the larger pool of conventionally qualified candidates. We propose: Recommendation 4: That the practice of admitting unconventionally qualified Black students be continued. Recommendation "5: That conventionally qualified Black applicants be offered admission regardless of the target number for Black students for a particular year specified in faculty actions of January 1969. Our new directions may, however, meet with frustration if we are unable to attract Black students to attend Swarthmore. This is a definite possibility, since 1) Swarthmore lacks charisma in the Black community, and 2) other colleges are making increasing efforts to recruit. We therefore propose: Recommendation 6: That there be more comprehensive recruitment to increase Black admissions candidates; and that there be use of student help to make this possible. This Admissions Office should utilize more fully the resources of the Black student population through their organization, SASS, to encourage such students to attend here. Designated individuals, for missions agreed upon, should be paid for their services. The rationale is simple: Black students have an intimate knowledge of the kinds of experience of young high school Black students, and subsequently of their concerns and questions about college in general, and White colleges in particular. Moreover, they can convey their impressions of what it is like to be Black at Swarthmore in a much more effective and persuasive manner than would be possible for someone who is not a Black student. Wesleyan, Northwestern, Br,yn Mawr, Antioch and Harvard have adopted this method and the results have been impressive. Recruiting forays into the South, Southeast and Northern urban. ghettoes ought to produce many more applicants per year. We should contact at least 3,000 students a year. But physical recruiting is only one aspect: correspondence with prospective students, hosting them when on campus and evaluating them in interviews are all avenues that students ought to be involved in, for greater results.

�....

..
"

-8In addition, alumni and lihite students might be used more extensively when Black candidates turn up in their respective areas. When "possible we should encourage the students and their guidance counselors to visit the campus, making funds ~ avail~ble for on-campus meals and lodging. This latter especially will enhance our visibility and charisma in the Black community. If we are dealing with a candidate from a school with which we have had no previous contact, and if we find the candidate unacceptable for admission, we ought to explain why, so that we keep lines of faith and communication open with the people who recommended him, in order to have a source for future reference • . ,
~,

As a postscript to the matter of recruitment, we mention as a point of information that during the past summer Don Mizell '71 wrote, at AHBAC's request, a promotional brochure for Black admissions, entitled "Black at Swarthmore". The brochure received AHBAC's unanimous endorsement, and is to be published by the College and the Office of Admissions in the near future. The students we are referring to will have greater financial need than we are currently able to provide, since -- with significant numbers of high need students -- the total scholarship need is likely to move up sharply. We therefore propose: Recommendation tIns endeavor.

1:

That increased scholarship funds be made available to support

Further, there are many potential transfer students who, if given the opportunity, could make a meaningful contribution to the life of the College. We believe there are ways of increasing the number of such transfers in ways that would avoid "raiding" predominantly Black institutions. lie therefore propose: Recommendation 8: A new policy which will facilitate the admission of Black transfer students, waiving the financial aid restriction in cases where this can be done with the agreement of the institution from which the student comes. It is obvious that the issues covered in this report are interrelated; any proposals that this committee would make that did not acknowledge this fact would be short-sighted. We must recognize that a commitment to the principle of educating economically disadvantaged Black students will necessarily mean some restructuring of the entire admissions procedure; it will mean a greater expenditure of money to make our efforts successful (if we are serious); and it will require a psychological readiness on the part of those at this college to deal with the new experience that is inevitable if we implement our plans. If we are only half-serious or half-committed to providing a quality educational opportunity to those who might otherwise be denied it, we should be frank to say so. But we must be aware that elitism threatens to take chances both with the quality of education and with the welfare of our society. William P. Cline Uwe Henke Franciena King '72 Asmarom Lagesse Don Mizell '71 Jean Perkins Alan Robin '70 Gilmore Stott (Chairman) Delmar Thompson '72 Aundrea ifui te '70

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S\rJARTHl'10RE COIJ.,EGE

Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

January 10, 1969

To: From:

Students, Faculty and Staff Frank C. Pierson, Chairman Black Studies Curriculum Committee The faculty members of the Black Studies Curriculum

Commi ttee think it would be useful if every member of the College community could see the enclosed report, dated December 17, 1968, and signed by every member of the Committee. The plan proposed is analogous to that of the

concentration in International Relations in that Black Studies would be recognized as part of a student's major field, but would not form a separate discipline itself .

�Report of the E1ack Studies Curricult'.IIl Committee

The Black Studies Curriculum Corrunittee was a.ppointed by Courtney Smith in May, 1968 as an outgrowth of discus sions with members of the Swarthmore Afro-American Students Societyo Spokesmen for this group emphasized that little

'WOrk is being done in the Black Studies area at Swarthmol'e and that the resulting gap in the curriculum should be filled as soon as possibleo* In his lett.3r of May 17, 1968 President Smith said: iiI will continue to encourage departments to be considering What stUdies can appropriatelY and effectively be made a part of their offering at the earliest opportunity but it is my hope that your committee will give focus to all of our efforts a..'1d see how indiv:tdual additions to our program may build into some l arger and more coherent program. I i This report is addressed to the latter issue. General Plan
i~TIile

some important questions remain unresolved, the Committee agre es

that Black Studies should be made a part of the S'warthmore curriculum at this time. As citizens, our students will need to develop greater understanding of
Many
~d

Afro-American and African experiences. bear directly or indirectly on the urban

",Jill pursue careers Which will racial crisis. Scholarly work in

Black Studies has alt'eady achieved significant results and major gains can be expected in the near future. will have increasing expertise.
ne~d

This is an area in which members of our faculty

for general familiarity and, in some cases, special

The beginnings of a program already exist at the College and the

addition of further ",ork would fit in well ",Jith present offerings in a number of departments. For these r easons we conclude that Black Studies should be
curricullli~ ~

given a distinctive place in the Swarthmore

*Black Studi es may be defined as the r ole of blacks in society consi dered from cultural, historical and social poi nt s of vi ew~

�.. 2 -

More serious differences arise over precisely What this place should be. Should Black Studies be treated as a separate major or as a scattering

of courses along present lines, as a minor which could be attached to certain existing majors or as different groupings of courses among Which a student --could choose a particular rubric depending on his individual academic interests? Initially, the Committee feels a broad and rather flexible approach should be followed with respect to these questions. still in the planning stage. Some of the courses are The

Faculty appointments are still to be made.

direction of student interests in this area is still unclear.

The precise ways

in which the different aspects of Black Studies can best be related to various academic disciplines are still to be determinedo should not preclude major readjustments later on. The Committee accordingly concludes that students majoring in any subject bearing on Black Studies should be permitted to concentrate in this area as an aspect of the work in their major. Tentatively, the subjects falling in this Thus, any step taken now

category are Art History, Economics, English, History, Music, Political Science, and Sociology-Anthropology, but others might be added at a later date. Recommendation I. Students majoring in subjects of Which Black Studies

are a part will be permitted to concentrate in the latter area as an aspect of the work in their major under conditions approved by the departments involved. Specific Elements Since the approach to Black Studies will differ among departments, it will not be possible to spell out in detail the requirements for the different concentrations in this area at this time.
If' general approval for the differ-

ent concentrations in this area is given to the Committee proposal, individual departments will be invited to establish such requirements as they deem appropriate . Cert ain overall provisions, however, call for general faculty action.

�- 3 One such question i s ""hether the minimum requirement for a concent ration in Black Studies should be set as 10", as two or t hree coure,es or as high as six or seven . If
1-:2

limit the question of minimtnn requirements to courses

that will be primarily concerned with Black Studi es alone, i t seems unlikely that students could take more than six courses in this area in addition to the
""~rk

in their major.

On the other hand, anything below four courses ""Quld
It therefore seems
appropri ~­

hardly be enough to qualify as a concentration.

ate, at least for the immediate future, to set the minimum at approximately five courses. Another question is whether the work in Black Studies should be limited to the standard course form or ",hether consi derable diversity should be allowed. Two quite different considerations need to be kept in mind in this connection :
1. In a relatively new area of this s ')rt a certain amount of flexibility 1 !,ill

need to be exercised just to get the program off the ground.

2. If the

approaches taken by individual departments are not carefully planned and closely moni tored, the
'~rk

in this area wi ll prove of little lasting significance.

The CorrillUttee therefore feels that experimentation with thesis projects, special reading courses, off-campus work-study arrangements and the like should be permitted in this area only "T here there is assurance the "Jork ""rill meet customary standards of the departments involvedo Still another question is whether there should be one or two basic courses which would be required of all students concentrating in Black Studies. Eventually, this might be des irable but it is too early to say whether, for example, a particular course in history or sociology would fill this need. the other hand, since introductory course 'work in a number of departments is or can be limited to one s emester,
basi ~

On

courses in Black Studies could be

rr.ade available to students in t hese dC':partments in the follo"Jing semester of

�- 4 -

the same year. Black Studies

The specific courses which st.':,dents wishing to concentrate i n
~~ll

take

~~ll

have to be wor ked out by the individual depart-

ments concerned. Recommendation II. Students concentrating in Black Studies will take Departments

at least five semester courses or their equivalent in tl::.i s area.

in f i elds bearing on this subject ",ill be encouraged to offer a basic course i n Black St udies which could be taken after the first semester of the i ntroductory course has been completed. St aff Recruitment
If students at Swarthmore are to gain a full and balanced under standregul&lt;~

ing of the Black Studies area, it is important that they have access to authorities and observers with black as
~~ll

as white perspectives.

Since both our

students and faculty are predominantly "i'J nite, the Committee believes that black teachers
~Qth

black perspective should be given top priority in the staffing

of personnel for the Black Studie s program. The problem is that many other ins titutions are planning or have already taken similar steps and the number of qualified black scholars does not even approach the extent of the demand. Swarthmore aggressively compete for these Some argue that if institutions like
teachers~

the Negro colleges and

other less well endowed schools will be seriously undercut, the net gain of all our efforts
comL~

to less than zero.
~~uld

The view of the Committee is that a black scholar who decides he

be most effective at S"Iarthmore should be permitted to make this choice himself~

and

that~

in the long run at least., it

~!()uld

be c.dvantageous for all conAt the

cerned if the options open to such scholars were many I'ather than few. same time, the scarcity of supply obviously poses a

formidable problem and we

�- 5 will have to resort to a variety of arrangements in order to attract qualified personnel. pointments Some of the possibilities are pa.rt-time appointments, joint ap~Qth

Haverford and Bryn

¥ ~~T,

exchange professorships with Lincoln

and Cheyney State, and visiting scholars from such institutions as Howard and the New Sdlool for Afro-American Thought in Fashington, Do C. 'V ithout impair-

ing essential academic standards, the College will probably have to consider persons for appointments in this area who do not possess some of the more usu,?,.l. aeademic credentials. The members of the Swarthmore Afro-American Student

Society, majors in the departments concerned and other interested students should participate actively in finding qualified personneL RecoIm,lendation 1110 Recognizing the acute interest which the black

students as represented by their organiZation, the Swarthmore Afro-American Student Society, majors and other interested students have in the successful development of this program, the faculty recommends that such students have an active partici pating voice in both the recruitment and evaluation of potential personneL In order to correct the imbalance in its total curricular offer-

ings, Swarthmore should emphasize the black perspective in its Black Studies offerings by making a special effort to recruit black teachers Who will also meet the college 9 s high academic standards. Part-time appointments and shar-

ing arrangements will have to be - considered because of the severe scarcity of qualified personnel. Black Studies Curriculum
Co~ttee:

Decamber 16, 1968

Marilyn C. Allman Allen J. Diotri ch Clinton A. Etheridge Marilyn J. Holifield Don A.. Mizell Asmarom Legesse John S. Shackford Jon Van Til Harrison M. Wright Frarck C. Pierson, Chairman

�!

Swarthmore College CUrriculum Offerings in Black Studies 1968-69 Economics Social Economics course (Marcus Alexis): the economics of race, discrimination and. poverty; comparative educational, housing, and health patterns, consumption patterns in center city areas, programs for dealing with urban poverty. Dr. Alexis, a nationally known Negro economist, is Professor of Economics, Scheol of Business Administration, University of Rochester. Labor course (Frank Pierson): sections of course deal with employment and unemployment in urban centers, movement of labor from rural to urban areas, dis .. crimination in hiring and promotion policies, black worker career patterns, private and public manpower development programs. Labor and Social Economics seminar (Frank Pierson and Frederic Pryor): several weeks on the foregoing topics. Histog African History course and seminar (Harrison wright): American History courses and seminars (Robert Bannister and James Field) : The general courses in American history and the American history seminar deal with selected issues in this area. Colloquium on special area (Harrison Wright): e.g., last year's colloquium on South Africa. Political Science Politics of Urban Ghetto course (Paul Lutzker and Alvin Echols): According to Mr. Lutzker, "The course is conceived of as a confrontation of the general concepts and theoretical approaches of the discipline with the concerns of people involved in community organization. In what ways can confrontation with concrete problems clarify the ambiguities of the discipline's formulations of general principles? In what ways can the work of academics aid community action organizations in understanding the nature of the decision-making process they are trying to influence or alter?!! Nt'. Echols, an active leader in the Philadelphia Black Community, is head of the North City Congress. Politics of Africa course (Raymond Hopkins) other courses and seminars, such as Political Development, Political Sociology, and Politics and Legislation, bear on this general area. Psychology A number of courses, including Psychology of Attitudes, Social Psychology of Social Issues, and Problems in Urban Education, bear on this general area. Sociology and Anthropology COurses; Societies and. Cultures of Africa (Asmarom Legesse) Race and Ethnic Relations in the U.S. (Jon Van Til) Social Change (Robert Mitchell): in studyir...g theories and case studies of social change, special attention is giv€u in t his course to the modernization process in Africa. Cities and Society (Jon Van Til) Seminars: Race and Culture (Jon Van Til) urban Sociology (Jon Van Til)

�</text>
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S\rJARTHl'10RE COIJ.,EGE

Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

January 10, 1969

To: From:

Students, Faculty and Staff Frank C. Pierson, Chairman Black Studies Curriculum Committee The faculty members of the Black Studies Curriculum

Commi ttee think it would be useful if every member of the College community could see the enclosed report, dated December 17, 1968, and signed by every member of the Committee. The plan proposed is analogous to that of the

concentration in International Relations in that Black Studies would be recognized as part of a student's major field, but would not form a separate discipline itself .

�Report of the E1ack Studies Curricult'.IIl Committee

The Black Studies Curriculum Corrunittee was a.ppointed by Courtney Smith in May, 1968 as an outgrowth of discus sions with members of the Swarthmore Afro-American Students Societyo Spokesmen for this group emphasized that little

'WOrk is being done in the Black Studies area at Swarthmol'e and that the resulting gap in the curriculum should be filled as soon as possibleo* In his lett.3r of May 17, 1968 President Smith said: iiI will continue to encourage departments to be considering What stUdies can appropriatelY and effectively be made a part of their offering at the earliest opportunity but it is my hope that your committee will give focus to all of our efforts a..'1d see how indiv:tdual additions to our program may build into some l arger and more coherent program. I i This report is addressed to the latter issue. General Plan
i~TIile

some important questions remain unresolved, the Committee agre es

that Black Studies should be made a part of the S'warthmore curriculum at this time. As citizens, our students will need to develop greater understanding of
Many
~d

Afro-American and African experiences. bear directly or indirectly on the urban

",Jill pursue careers Which will racial crisis. Scholarly work in

Black Studies has alt'eady achieved significant results and major gains can be expected in the near future. will have increasing expertise.
ne~d

This is an area in which members of our faculty

for general familiarity and, in some cases, special

The beginnings of a program already exist at the College and the

addition of further ",ork would fit in well ",Jith present offerings in a number of departments. For these r easons we conclude that Black Studies should be
curricullli~ ~

given a distinctive place in the Swarthmore

*Black Studi es may be defined as the r ole of blacks in society consi dered from cultural, historical and social poi nt s of vi ew~

�.. 2 -

More serious differences arise over precisely What this place should be. Should Black Studies be treated as a separate major or as a scattering

of courses along present lines, as a minor which could be attached to certain existing majors or as different groupings of courses among Which a student --could choose a particular rubric depending on his individual academic interests? Initially, the Committee feels a broad and rather flexible approach should be followed with respect to these questions. still in the planning stage. Some of the courses are The

Faculty appointments are still to be made.

direction of student interests in this area is still unclear.

The precise ways

in which the different aspects of Black Studies can best be related to various academic disciplines are still to be determinedo should not preclude major readjustments later on. The Committee accordingly concludes that students majoring in any subject bearing on Black Studies should be permitted to concentrate in this area as an aspect of the work in their major. Tentatively, the subjects falling in this Thus, any step taken now

category are Art History, Economics, English, History, Music, Political Science, and Sociology-Anthropology, but others might be added at a later date. Recommendation I. Students majoring in subjects of Which Black Studies

are a part will be permitted to concentrate in the latter area as an aspect of the work in their major under conditions approved by the departments involved. Specific Elements Since the approach to Black Studies will differ among departments, it will not be possible to spell out in detail the requirements for the different concentrations in this area at this time.
If' general approval for the differ-

ent concentrations in this area is given to the Committee proposal, individual departments will be invited to establish such requirements as they deem appropriate . Cert ain overall provisions, however, call for general faculty action.

�- 3 One such question i s ""hether the minimum requirement for a concent ration in Black Studies should be set as 10", as two or t hree coure,es or as high as six or seven . If
1-:2

limit the question of minimtnn requirements to courses

that will be primarily concerned with Black Studi es alone, i t seems unlikely that students could take more than six courses in this area in addition to the
""~rk

in their major.

On the other hand, anything below four courses ""Quld
It therefore seems
appropri ~­

hardly be enough to qualify as a concentration.

ate, at least for the immediate future, to set the minimum at approximately five courses. Another question is whether the work in Black Studies should be limited to the standard course form or ",hether consi derable diversity should be allowed. Two quite different considerations need to be kept in mind in this connection :
1. In a relatively new area of this s ')rt a certain amount of flexibility 1 !,ill

need to be exercised just to get the program off the ground.

2. If the

approaches taken by individual departments are not carefully planned and closely moni tored, the
'~rk

in this area wi ll prove of little lasting significance.

The CorrillUttee therefore feels that experimentation with thesis projects, special reading courses, off-campus work-study arrangements and the like should be permitted in this area only "T here there is assurance the "Jork ""rill meet customary standards of the departments involvedo Still another question is whether there should be one or two basic courses which would be required of all students concentrating in Black Studies. Eventually, this might be des irable but it is too early to say whether, for example, a particular course in history or sociology would fill this need. the other hand, since introductory course 'work in a number of departments is or can be limited to one s emester,
basi ~

On

courses in Black Studies could be

rr.ade available to students in t hese dC':partments in the follo"Jing semester of

�- 4 -

the same year. Black Studies

The specific courses which st.':,dents wishing to concentrate i n
~~ll

take

~~ll

have to be wor ked out by the individual depart-

ments concerned. Recommendation II. Students concentrating in Black Studies will take Departments

at least five semester courses or their equivalent in tl::.i s area.

in f i elds bearing on this subject ",ill be encouraged to offer a basic course i n Black St udies which could be taken after the first semester of the i ntroductory course has been completed. St aff Recruitment
If students at Swarthmore are to gain a full and balanced under standregul&lt;~

ing of the Black Studies area, it is important that they have access to authorities and observers with black as
~~ll

as white perspectives.

Since both our

students and faculty are predominantly "i'J nite, the Committee believes that black teachers
~Qth

black perspective should be given top priority in the staffing

of personnel for the Black Studie s program. The problem is that many other ins titutions are planning or have already taken similar steps and the number of qualified black scholars does not even approach the extent of the demand. Swarthmore aggressively compete for these Some argue that if institutions like
teachers~

the Negro colleges and

other less well endowed schools will be seriously undercut, the net gain of all our efforts
comL~

to less than zero.
~~uld

The view of the Committee is that a black scholar who decides he

be most effective at S"Iarthmore should be permitted to make this choice himself~

and

that~

in the long run at least., it

~!()uld

be c.dvantageous for all conAt the

cerned if the options open to such scholars were many I'ather than few. same time, the scarcity of supply obviously poses a

formidable problem and we

�- 5 will have to resort to a variety of arrangements in order to attract qualified personnel. pointments Some of the possibilities are pa.rt-time appointments, joint ap~Qth

Haverford and Bryn

¥ ~~T,

exchange professorships with Lincoln

and Cheyney State, and visiting scholars from such institutions as Howard and the New Sdlool for Afro-American Thought in Fashington, Do C. 'V ithout impair-

ing essential academic standards, the College will probably have to consider persons for appointments in this area who do not possess some of the more usu,?,.l. aeademic credentials. The members of the Swarthmore Afro-American Student

Society, majors in the departments concerned and other interested students should participate actively in finding qualified personneL RecoIm,lendation 1110 Recognizing the acute interest which the black

students as represented by their organiZation, the Swarthmore Afro-American Student Society, majors and other interested students have in the successful development of this program, the faculty recommends that such students have an active partici pating voice in both the recruitment and evaluation of potential personneL In order to correct the imbalance in its total curricular offer-

ings, Swarthmore should emphasize the black perspective in its Black Studies offerings by making a special effort to recruit black teachers Who will also meet the college 9 s high academic standards. Part-time appointments and shar-

ing arrangements will have to be - considered because of the severe scarcity of qualified personnel. Black Studies Curriculum
Co~ttee:

Decamber 16, 1968

Marilyn C. Allman Allen J. Diotri ch Clinton A. Etheridge Marilyn J. Holifield Don A.. Mizell Asmarom Legesse John S. Shackford Jon Van Til Harrison M. Wright Frarck C. Pierson, Chairman

�!

Swarthmore College CUrriculum Offerings in Black Studies 1968-69 Economics Social Economics course (Marcus Alexis): the economics of race, discrimination and. poverty; comparative educational, housing, and health patterns, consumption patterns in center city areas, programs for dealing with urban poverty. Dr. Alexis, a nationally known Negro economist, is Professor of Economics, Scheol of Business Administration, University of Rochester. Labor course (Frank Pierson): sections of course deal with employment and unemployment in urban centers, movement of labor from rural to urban areas, dis .. crimination in hiring and promotion policies, black worker career patterns, private and public manpower development programs. Labor and Social Economics seminar (Frank Pierson and Frederic Pryor): several weeks on the foregoing topics. Histog African History course and seminar (Harrison wright): American History courses and seminars (Robert Bannister and James Field) : The general courses in American history and the American history seminar deal with selected issues in this area. Colloquium on special area (Harrison Wright): e.g., last year's colloquium on South Africa. Political Science Politics of Urban Ghetto course (Paul Lutzker and Alvin Echols): According to Mr. Lutzker, "The course is conceived of as a confrontation of the general concepts and theoretical approaches of the discipline with the concerns of people involved in community organization. In what ways can confrontation with concrete problems clarify the ambiguities of the discipline's formulations of general principles? In what ways can the work of academics aid community action organizations in understanding the nature of the decision-making process they are trying to influence or alter?!! Nt'. Echols, an active leader in the Philadelphia Black Community, is head of the North City Congress. Politics of Africa course (Raymond Hopkins) other courses and seminars, such as Political Development, Political Sociology, and Politics and Legislation, bear on this general area. Psychology A number of courses, including Psychology of Attitudes, Social Psychology of Social Issues, and Problems in Urban Education, bear on this general area. Sociology and Anthropology COurses; Societies and. Cultures of Africa (Asmarom Legesse) Race and Ethnic Relations in the U.S. (Jon Van Til) Social Change (Robert Mitchell): in studyir...g theories and case studies of social change, special attention is giv€u in t his course to the modernization process in Africa. Cities and Society (Jon Van Til) Seminars: Race and Culture (Jon Van Til) urban Sociology (Jon Van Til)

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                    <text>�1-9-6

The

C r u c i b l e of Character
A P E R S O N A L A C C O U N T O F S WA R T H M O R E ’ S C R I S I S O F 1 9 6 9 By C l i n t o n E t h e ri d g e ’ 6 9

T

hirty-six years ago, at around noon on Jan. 9, 1969, I led a group of black students into the Swarthmore College Admissions Office in Parrish Hall as part of a nonviolent direct action. I was chairman of the Swarthmore Afro-American Students Society (SASS). We were seeking to redress what we felt were legitimate grievances concerning black admissions at Swarthmore. Our action precipitated what came to be known in the history of Swarthmore College as “the crisis.” The Phoenix of January 10, 1969, captured the moment: As Deans Hargadon, Thompson, and Barr headed for lunch at Sharples, members of SASS appeared at the front door of the Admissions Office and motioned to Mrs. Mary W. Dye, Assistant in Admissions, who had just locked the front door, to open it. She informed them that the office was closed for lunch hour and proceeded to the back doors to lock them also. Clinton Etheridge, SASS chairman, walked around to the back doors where he met Dean Hargadon. Dean Hargadon asked him to please let the one remaining candidate for admission out. As Dean Hargadon opened the door for the candidate, Etheridge entered and walked towards the front door and let the remaining members of SASS in.

S WA R T H MO R E C O L L E G E B U L L E T I N

Once we were inside, there was no violence or destruction of property. The deans left on request, and the doors were padlocked. One of the most significant weeks in Swarthmore history was about to begin. When SASS left a week later, all the litter from our occupation and nonviolent direct action was removed. The admissions office was left undamaged and the files untouched. SASS had engaged in a disciplined, dignified, and nonviolent direct action. However, like most of the outside press, the Delaware County Daily Times in their Jan. 10, 1969, edition gave a simplistic, stereotyped view of our action with the screaming headline: “Twenty Militants Seize Offices at Swarthmore.” Little did that newspaper know that one of those “militants” would become chairman of the Maryland Public Utilities Commission (Russell Frisby ’72, who attended Yale Law School). Or that another “militant” would become one of the nation’s top black lawyers (according to Black Enterprise) and a senior partner with the multinational law firm of Holland &amp; Knight (Marilyn Holifield ’69, who attended Harvard

“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”
—Martin Luther King

22

�23

MARCH 2005

Law School and also served on the College’s Board of Managers). Over the years, I’ve come to the conclusion that stereotypes are a substitute for critical thinking about new or challenging aspects of human beings. Stereotypes conceal the complexity of the human condition. Although we may not expect critical thinking and the absence of stereotyping from the outside world and its press, we certainly should expect it from the Swarthmore community. In this connection, the student-run Phoenix performed an invaluable service during the crisis with its balanced, nuanced daily coverage of a complex story, capturing for posterity the most detailed factual record of the events of that momentous week at Swarthmore.

On the surface, the crisis was about black admissions at Swarthmore. However, at a deeper level, it was really about the relationship of Swarthmore College to black America and to the American dream. In the 36 years since, I have thought long and hard about our nonviolent direct action—and what it meant for me, SASS, and Swarthmore. It was a watershed event and defining moment for us all. Crisis is the crucible in which character is tested. In our own small way, members of SASS were trying to do at Swarthmore what Martin Luther King was doing at the national level. Dr. King was striving to make the American dream as relevant and meaningful to black Americans as to white Americans;

ROMARE BEARDEN, THE DOVE (1964); CUT-AND-PASTED PHOTOREPRODUCTIONS AND PAPERS, GOUACHE, PENCIL AND COLORED PENCIL ON CARDBOARD, 13 3/8 X 18 3/4 INCHES; BLANCHETTE ROCKEFELLER FUND (377.1971); THE MUSEUM OF MODERN ART, NEW YORK, N.Y., U.S.A.; DIGITAL IMAGE © THE MUSEUM OF MODERN ART; LICENSED BY SCALA/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

�1-9-6

S WA R T H MO R E C O L L E G E B U L L E T I N

SASS was trying to make Swarthmore as relevant and meaningful to black students as to white. Samuel DuBois Cook, the first black professor at Duke University and a Morehouse College classmate of Martin Luther King, said the following about his former classmate: “The social and political philosophy of Dr. King was built on the solid rock of the existential character of the American liberal, humanistic, idealistic, and democratic tradition, with its capacity for growth, renewal, and extension to the world of higher possibilities and more inclusive realities. He believed the resources and potential of that tradition were mighty. He had profound and abiding faith in the creative and redemptive possibilities of the land he loved.” During the 1960s, with the civil rights movement burgeoning and the divisive Vietnam War raging, conservatives such as John Wayne used the injunction: “America—love it or leave it!” More recently, the black conservative talk-show host Ken Hamblin wrote a book called Pick a Better Country. Unlike Wayne and Hamblin, Martin Luther King wanted to make America the best possible version of itself. Professor Cook said, “Dr. King believed that racism was defiling American democracy and keeping it from achieving the ultimate ideal as the grandest form of government ever conceived by the mind of man. Dr. King saw this as the black man’s redemptive mission in America.” At the time of Swarthmore’s crisis, there were conservatives— both white and black—who said that SASS should be grateful for the relatively few black students who had been admitted to the elite inner sanctum of Swarthmore. At some level, these voices were saying: “Pick a better college” or “Swarthmore—love it or leave it!” Instead, like Martin Luther King at the national level, SASS had high expectations of the College, with its strong Quaker heritage of social justice. And in many ways, the efforts of a few have yielded benefits for many. Compared with 1969, today we can see a better version of Swarthmore with, as Cook wrote, its “growth, renewal, and extension to the world of higher possibilities and more inclusive realities.” SASS helped create a climate on campus that embraces greater diversity in the student body, in the faculty, and in academic offerings—including a concentration in black studies. This is the “existential character of the American liberal, humanistic, idealistic, and democratic tradition” in action at Swarthmore. Moreover, the Black Cultural Center, the Gospel Choir, the Sophisticated Gents male a cappella group, and the Sistahs female a cappella group flourish as part of the legacy of SASS. None of these Swarthmore institutions, which enrich contemporary College life, existed before the crisis of January 1969. Swarthmore has come a long way since 1905—a century ago—when it denied admission to a light-skinned black

student whom it had unknowingly accepted. According to the memoirs of Charles Darlington ’15, he learned of the incident from former Dean of Men William “Alee” Alexander. As Darlington recounts: “When he arrived, it was found that he was a Negro boy. His picture was shaded in such a way that this fact had not been obvious. The college was in an embarrassing quandary. No Negroes had ever been admitted. As Alee said, ‘It just wasn’t done.’ After much heart searching by the College administration and probably some members of the Board, the boy and his parents were told that an error had been made. The College was very sorry, but he could not be permitted to enter.” In his Revolt of the College Intellectual, another former dean, Everett Lee Hunt, gives us a peek at Depression-era Swarthmore black admissions: In 1932 a Negro from a Philadelphia high school decided to apply to Swarthmore. He was a prominent athlete; had a good background in classics, his major interest; was president of the student government and popular with his fellows; and except for his color, was a logical candidate for an open scholarship. The admission of colored students had never been approved by the Board of Managers, and so the Admissions Committee referred the application to the Board. After a long discussion it decided by a large majority that Negro students could not yet be admitted to a coeducational college like Swarthmore. Their admission would raise too many problems and create too many difficulties. These 1905 and 1932 admissions incidents are offensive to the sensibilities of most living Swarthmoreans. In 2005, it is difficult to fathom how liberal, well-educated Swarthmore people of good will could make those racist admissions decisions. Sadly, the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow segregation produced a racism that contaminated most whites with a belief, conscious or unconscious, that blacks are inferior or substandard. Subconscious beliefs and attitudes can have a strong hidden influence on behavior. As Malcolm X said toward the end of his life, “The white man is not inherently evil, but America’s racist society influences him to act evilly.” It also offends sensibilities to learn that, as late as 1965, Swarthmore asked prospective white roommates of incoming black freshmen whether they were comfortable rooming with a “Negro.” This policy suggests that, even at the height of the civil rights movement, Swarthmore was more solicitous of the opinions of its white students than its black students— an example of the tacit second-class status of black students back then. (This 1965 skeleton in the College’s racial closet was revealed by Marilyn Allman Maye ’69, in an interview in the May 1994 Bulletin.)

On the surface, the crisis was about black admissions. At a deeper level, it was about the relationship of Swarthmore to black America and the American dream.

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�Thus, when I arrived at Swarthmore in fall 1965, the College was a social organism ripe for reform on black admissions. As Richard Walton put it in Swarthmore College: An Informal History: “It is puzzling that a college founded by Quakers, among the most fervent of the abolitionists and devoted to equality, should have been so slow to admit blacks at all and so slow to admit blacks in significant numbers…. It is generally agreed that Swarthmore had not conducted a vigorous campaign to obtain more black applicants, had not done enough to raise scholarship funds for them.” Part of the puzzle can be explained by the observation that, pre-crisis, black students were “invisible” at Swarthmore, to use Ralph Ellison’s metaphor. As the nameless narrator declares in the prologue of Ellison’s Invisible Man: “I am an invisible man. I am invisible … because people refuse to see me…. When they approach me, they see only my surroundings, themselves, or figments of their imagination— indeed, everything and anything except me.” By the mid-1960s, blacks were “invisible” at Swarthmore because there were so few of us and because it was assumed that we were “just” Swarthmoreans—albeit swarthy Swarthmoreans. The only times black students were not “invisible” were when we sat together in Sharples Dining Hall or when our allblack intramural touch-football team—the Black Grand-Army-ofthe-Crum—went undefeated for the season, even beating the Delta Upsilon team that had some real football players on it. With the perspective of time and the long view of history, the case can be made that the nonviolent direct action SASS took in 1969 pushed Swarthmore to do what was in its enlightened selfinterest in terms of affirmative action and diversity. But this notion was controversial 36 years ago. Was the SASS nonviolent direct action necessary? Yes. At the time, I believed that the SASS nonviolent direct action was necessary, and, 36 years later, I still believe that. As Martin Luther King wrote in Letter From Birmingham Jail: “Nonviolent direct action seeks to create a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored…. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tensions. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with.” Swarthmore’s crisis brought the hidden tension about black admissions out into the open so the Swarthmore community could see it and deal with it. What was the hidden tension on black admissions that the crisis brought to the surface? In a nutshell, racial insensitivity.

Dr. King was striving to make the American dream as relevant and meaningful to black Americans as to white; SASS was trying to make Swarthmore as relevant and meaningful to black students as to white.

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The genesis of the crisis was a report on black admissions that Dean of Admissions Fred Hargadon prepared for the faculty Admissions Policy Committee (APC) during summer 1968. President Courtney Smith asked Hargadon for the report when it became known that only eight black freshmen would be entering the College in fall 1968 as part of the Class of 1972. (I was one of 19 black freshmen who enrolled in fall 1965 as part of the Class of 1969.) Given Swarthmore’s checkered past and tenuous track record on black admissions, eight black freshmen in 1968 seemed a retreat to tokenism. To SASS, it appeared that blacks were to be further marginalized at Swarthmore, even before we could enter the mainstream. SASS felt it had to sound the alarm. To that end, Don Mizell ’71 and I, as SASS vice chairman and SASS chairman, respectively, wrote a letter to Dean Hargadon, which was published in the Oct. 1, 1968, Phoenix, questioning the College’s commitment to black admissions in light of the small number of black students in the freshman class. On Oct. 10, the APC released Dean Hargadon’s report and also placed it on general reserve in McCabe Library. Dean Hargadon invited all black students to a meeting on Oct. 14 in Bond Hall to discuss the report. We quickly discovered that the report included personal data on individual black students, including SAT scores and grades as well as data from financial aid applications showing family income and parents’ occupations. Although specific black students were not named, nevertheless SASS thought that the publication of personal data on black students—and its placement in McCabe Library—represented an invasion of privacy. Our concern about invasion of privacy was legitimate. Because of the small number of black students on campus—just 47 at that time—SASS believed that individual black students could be identified and potentially embarrassed by the report. Therefore, as SASS chairman, I telephoned Dean Hargadon on the evening of Oct. 10 to request removal of the report from McCabe Library and its reissuance without the personal data. After consulting with the APC, he declined the SASS request. SASS considered this an act of racial insensitivity. It appeared that black students had no right to privacy concerning personal data that a Swarthmore administrator needed to respect. If the College was going to marginalize black students and invade their privacy concerning personal data, we were not going to acquiesce in the process. Therefore, SASS decided to stage a protest and walk out at the Oct. 14 APC meeting on Dean Hargadon’s report. At that Oct. 14 meeting in Bond, I read a SASS statement protesting what we thought was the report’s invasion of privacy and declaring our refusal to cooperate with the APC “until the report is reworked, revised, and rewritten.” Then, 35 of the 45 black

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students present walked out. Subsequently, the APC members and the 10 black students who remained concluded that Dean Hargadon’s report should be removed from McCabe Library because of the personal data it contained. This was done.

with respect to its own demands. It appeared there were no effective channels of communication through which SASS could address its concerns about black admissions and black student privacy. With the perspective of time, I see that there were additional complicating factors beyond the failure of communications between SASS and Dean Hargadon. First, before our nonviolent direct action in January 1969, the College had difficulty sorting out the message from the messenger on black admissions. Unlike today, there were no black administrators at Swarthmore and only one black faculty member, the African anthropologist Asmarom Legesse. It is one thing for an adult to receive a message from a kid— particularly one perceived as obstreperous—and another for an adult to receive the same message from another adult who is a respected peer or colleague. Unlike other Swarthmore student groups, SASS had no built-in constituency in the faculty or administration that provided a channel of communication. The problematic Dean Hargadon was the closest person SASS had to an official administration liaison. No one will ever know how the history of the crisis might have been different had black administrators or black professors also been the messengers—or at least the interpreters or translators— of the message SASS was trying to deliver on black admissions. Second—not unlike today—Swarthmore in 1968 to 1969 was basically governed through a Quaker-style process of decision making by consensus. Yet reaching consensus rests on certain key assumptions—primary of which is discussion among and between equals, peers, or colleagues. This process could not work for the black admissions question because consensus would need to have been reached between those in a superior position (Swarthmore administrators) and those in a subordinate position (black students). And asymmetric power relationships, between a superior and a subordinate, tend to be more coercive than consensual. The dearth of black faculty and black administrators at Swarthmore was one factor. The inability to reach a consensus among equals was another factor. But, unfortunately and tragically, the failure of communication between SASS and Dean Hargadon was probably the most important factor in the crisis. When Dean Hargadon wrote his report during summer 1968, he not only included personal data on black students—which were at least factual and objective—he also wrote obiter dictum comments about alleged SASS “militant separatist” inclinations, which were stereotypically inaccurate. Dean Hargadon’s “militant separatist” allegations, which questioned our legitimacy at Swarthmore, did not endear him to some members of SASS. As for the “militant” part of Dean Hargadon’s allegation, I say again that stereotypes conceal the complexity of the human condition; they substitute for critical thinking about

Following this failure of communications between SASS and Dean Hargadon, the College’s designated interlocutor, we were even more concerned about the prospects for black admissions in particular and the status of black students at Swarthmore in general. We just couldn’t stand by and see the situation go from bad to worse. Therefore, SASS formulated four demands, which were sent to the APC on Oct. 16 and published in The Phoenix the same day. The demands were the following:

• Dean Hargadon’s report not be returned to McCabe Library, and SASS and APC rewrite the report for publication • The Swarthmore faculty and administration form a Black Interest Committee to work with SASS • The College recruit a high-level black administrator • The SASS Recruitment Committee work with Dean Hargadon and the APC to enhance black recruitment and admissions

In the mid-1960s, blacks were “invisible” at Swarthmore because there were so few of us. It was assumed that we were “just” Swarthmoreans—albeit swarthy Swarthmoreans.

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Although SASS believed its demands were reasonable, we also thought we were not getting an appropriate response from Dean Hargadon and the APC. Therefore, SASS decided to try to make progress on another front. On Nov. 8, a SASS delegation visited the Student Council meeting to present our case for the council voting to endorse the SASS demands. Student Council voted 10 to 1 with two abstentions to endorse the four demands, an action that prompted an angry letter from Dean Hargadon criticizing the council’s haste and lack of consultation with the APC. After the Nov. 8 Student Council endorsement of the SASS demands, there were several desultory meetings and discussions on black admissions. But no substantive progress was being made. However, probably sensing a deteriorating situation, President Smith began to get involved indirectly and asked for clarification of the SASS demands. Ironically, he did not ask the SASS leadership for this clarification; he went to the Student Council president and to Michael Fields ’69, an “independent” black student —not a member of SASS—who had written an open letter to the College community on Nov. 13 endorsing the SASS demands. This was a tragic situation with almost theater-of-the-absurd overtones. Everybody was clarifying the SASS demands except SASS itself. SASS was ready, willing, and able to discuss its own demands, but no one in power seemed to want to hear what we had to say. The sad irony is that SASS was “invisible” at Swarthmore

�new or challenging aspects of human beings. Instead of grappling with the new and challenging aspects of SASS, as The Phoenix did, Dean Hargadon seemed to act as if we were still in the pre-SASS days at Swarthmore, when blacks were unorganized and “invisible.” Although The Phoenix was able to pierce the veil of the “militant” stereotype and recognize the essence of SASS concealed beneath, Dean Hargadon was not. Given our commitment to nonviolent direct action, the question could have been posed to Dean Hargadon: How “militant” were we in SASS compared with Martin Luther King? As for the “separatist” part of Dean Hargadon’s allegation, I had white roommates at Swarthmore my freshman, sophomore, and junior years. (I roomed alone my senior year in Palmer.) I was a member of Kappa Sigma Pi fraternity during my sophomore year. Moreover, contrary to the stereotype of many SASS members, I was neither “angry” nor “alienated” nor “lonely” at Swarthmore. I enjoyed a wide circle of friends and acquaintances, both black and white. This group included my white roommates and fraternity brothers and my fellow engineering students. At the same time, I was also “comfortable in my own skin” as a black student on a white campus; I took my leadership roles in SASS seriously. I considered myself pro-black and not anti-white, pro-SASS and not anti-Swarthmore. I simply believed circumstances needed to be reformed for the better; I believed Swarthmore needed to live up to the ideals of its Quaker heritage of social justice. I knew Dean Hargadon personally and liked him. He and I would greet each other in Parrish Hall during my freshman and sophomore years and talk about subjects like the novels of James Baldwin. He told me how he grew up in an integrated workingclass suburb of Philadelphia and how he went to Haverford on the GI Bill after serving in the Army as a military policeman. Given those halcyon days, no one could predict that Dean Hargadon and I would be linked as antagonists through the crisis—that he and I would be face-to-face at the admissions office door at high noon on Jan. 9, 1969. Dean Hargadon had a good reputation as an admissions officer and went on to distinguished careers in undergraduate admissions at Stanford and Princeton. After leaving his Swarthmore admissions post, he subsequently served on the College’s Board of Managers for several years. Also between admissions stints at Stanford and Princeton, he served as a senior executive with the College Board in New York for a brief period. However, in the pre-crisis days at Swarthmore, Dean Hargadon apparently was not prepared to accept constructive criticism and input from SASS on black admissions policy. After I graduated in June 1969, I was told that he became more receptive to SASS input. By Christmas 1968, the College had ignored the Oct. 16 SASS demands—and SASS itself. Without con-

sulting us, Dean Hargadon and the APC finished a second report on black admissions on Dec. 18. Apparently, in the view of Dean Hargadon and the APC, SASS had forfeited any consultative role in formulating black admissions policy. Why? Was it because SASS had refused to acquiesce in the invasion of black student privacy through the publication of personal data in the first Hargadon report? Out of this maelstrom came a new set of SASS demands on Dec. 23, 1968. SASS thought that the dean of admissions, in questioning the organization’s legitimacy, was denigrating black students and the black perspective SASS tried to represent at Swarthmore. While Martin Luther King had been striving to make the American dream as relevant and meaningful to black and white, many in SASS viewed black admissions at Swarthmore as a “dream deferred,” using the metaphor of the Langston Hughes poem: What happens to a dream deferred? Does it dry up like a raisin in the sun? Or fester like a sore— And then run? Does it stink like rotten meat? Or crust and sugar over— like a syrupy sweet? Maybe it just sags like a heavy load. Or does it explode?* I viewed our new demands as a desperate cry in the wilderness for recognition and respect by an “invisible man.” Thus, in a last-ditch effort to get the attention of the College, I sent the following cover letter, along with a set of “clarified” demands, to President Smith on Dec. 23, 1968: Merry Christmas! Enclosed are the “clarified” SASS demands you requested some time ago. If you fail to issue a clear, unequivocal public acceptance of these non-negotiable demands by noon, Tuesday, January 7, 1969, the black students and SASS will be forced to do whatever is necessary to obtain acceptance of same. Here is what the new set of demands asked for: • The acceptance and enrollment of 10 to 20 “risk” black students for the next year and the provision of support services for them • A College commitment to enroll 100 black students within three years and 150 black students within six years Please turn to page 84
*From The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes, Vintage Books, New York, © 1995. Reprinted with permission.

Unlike other Swarthmore student groups, SASS had no built-in constituency in the faculty or administration that provided a channel of communication.

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The

C r u c i b l e of Character
Continued from page 27 • The appointment of a black assistant dean of admissions and a black counselor, subject to SASS review • That Dean Hargadon be replaced by Sept. 1, 1969, “unless present admissions policies change or unless the actions of the current Dean of Admissions change”

If I knew then what I know now, I would have written the cover letter differently. Many times during the last 36 years, I have studied this letter carefully. This was very strong language with which to communicate the essential message of SASS. In “Requiem for Courtney Smith,” Paul Good’s article on the crisis (May 9, 1969, Life), J. Roland Pennock, chairman of the Political Science Department, conveyed the reaction of President Smith: “He was confronted with non-negotiable demands and rhetoric that did great offense to him…. This hurt him bitterly. But he never let himself be moved to anger.” (The Life article was reprinted in the March 1999 Bulletin and is available in the magazine’s Web archives at www.swarthmore.edu/bulletin.) As incredible as it seems now, I and some other black students expected the College to ignore these demands just as it had ignored our demands of Oct. 16. To me, the production of the second black admissions report on Dec. 18, without reference to the SASS demands of Oct. 16, only dramatized how “invisible” we were at Swarthmore. The College had consistently refused to recognize the reality and legitimacy of SASS. We were left to conclude that the system at Swarthmore was unresponsive—and perhaps even hostile—to the SASS perspective on black admissions and our concern about the invasion of black student privacy. By Christmas 1968, it was clear that SASS had to move forward, even at the risk of failure, because of the moral imperative of our cause. If necessary, “we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the community,” as Martin Luther King suggested in Letter From Birmingham Jail. I learned of the impact of the cover letter and demands when I returned to Swarthmore from my home in New York City on Dec. 31. That was the day I first met Courtney Smith face-to-face. I went by Parrish Hall to check my mailbox. To my surprise, I found a reproduced copy of the Dec. 23 SASS cover letter and

I was about to be ushered into a private audience with Courtney Smith. As I stepped into his office, I realized there is nothing to be afraid of if you believe the cause for which you stand is right and just.

demands in my mailbox—and learned that it had been placed in the mailbox of every student. President Smith had distributed the SASS cover letter and demands to the whole College community, along with his own response. When I had typed our demands on my mechanical typewriter, I kept only a poor-quality carbon copy. With today’s ubiquitous personal computers, scanners, faxes, and e-mail, it is easy to forget (or not know) how primitive 1969 office technology was by comparison. In those days, students typed papers and letters by typewriter—usually not electrical—with no memory capability. Papers to be reproduced were typically typed on a mimeograph stencil and copies made on an inky mimeograph machine. In 1969, photocopying machines were rare and expensive. Therefore, because the College had multiple clean copies of the Dec. 23 SASS cover letter and demands—and I did not—why not ask the College for extra copies? It was not so simple. When I went to the reproduction office on the first floor of Parrish and asked for extra copies of the SASS package, a tight-jawed, scowling lady told me that she could only release extra copies with the permission of the President’s Office. The next step was to climb the stairs of Parrish Hall to President Smith’s second-floor office. When I walked into the president’s outer office, his secretary immediately recognized me. I politely asked her for extra copies of the SASS package. She quickly retreated into President Smith’s private office while I patiently waited in the antechamber. The secretary returned shortly and informed me that President Smith wished to see me. Courtney Smith was a living legend at Swarthmore—one of the great presidents in College history and the American secretary of the Rhodes Scholarship. To many Swarthmore students, me included, Courtney Smith seemed aloof and patrician—yet quietly charismatic in his Brooks Brothers suits. Although I merely wanted extra copies of the SASS package, I had climbed Mount Olympus and was about to be ushered into a private audience with Courtney Smith. I was psychologically unprepared and a little bit overwhelmed and intimidated. But as I stepped into his private office, I realized there is nothing to be afraid of if you believe the cause for which you stand is right and just. Despite our differences of race, age, and style, President Smith was cordial and gracious to me that day. I reciprocated his cordiality and treated him with the utmost respect and courtesy—even though my Dec. 23 cover letter did not communicate that. In the informal intimacy of his private office, President Smith told me in so many words that he wanted to discuss the SASS demands as two human beings in search of a human solution to a human problem. I very much wanted to do that too. But, at the same time, I was only the chairman of SASS and therefore only a

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�spokesman for the other black students— the “executive of their will.” Without discussing any of the substantive issues of the SASS demands, he and I agreed to a second meeting with a delegation of SASS members on Jan. 6, 1969—the first day of school after Christmas vacation. After 10 minutes, with no further business to conduct, Courtney Smith and I shook hands like gentlemen and parted company. Some may ask why I did not talk with President Smith about the demands. First, as SASS chairman, I took my spokesman role seriously. It was not lip service. I was consultative and collegial; I viewed myself as “first among equals” with respect to the other SASS members and the “executive of their will.” Second, we in SASS valued group solidarity. We were sensitive to the “divide-and-conquer” tactics that had been used all too often in American history to separate blacks from their leaders. It would have been a mistake for me as SASS chairman to negotiate one-on-one with President Smith on Dec. 31 or at any other time or place. Hence, the meeting with a SASS delegation on Jan. 6 was the appropriate next step. Third, I was skeptical whether President Smith had an open mind about the SASS demands—and subsequent information confirmed my skepticism. In the Life article, author Paul Good quoted from a letter President Smith sent Dean Hargadon around the time in question: “I want to underline my dismay at the inappropriateness and lack of justification in SASS’s remarks that concerned you and your work in admissions, including Negro admissions. I count on your knowing that I regard your work at Swarthmore as one of the great strengths of the college.” President Smith’s letter did not surprise me. Regardless of his personal thoughts on the SASS position, politically Courtney Smith had to stand by his admissions dean. The next and last time I met President Smith was Jan. 6, 1969, along with a delegation of 15 SASS members and a handful of other Swarthmore administrators. Compared with the informal intimacy of my Dec. 31 private meeting, the Jan. 6 meeting, although civil, was more formal and tense. SASS restated its demands of Dec. 23. President Smith restated his position from his cover letter of Dec. 31 to the Swarthmore community, which accompanied the public distribution of the SASS demands. President Smith expressed sympathy for the underlying concerns of the SASS demands, which he asked that we recast as proposals. At the same time, he said he could not act unilaterally on the SASS demands even as proposals, because they involved basic policy issues for the Swarthmore faculty and Board of Managers. With the two sides agreeing to disagree, the meeting ended without any substantive progress or resolution. Two days after the Jan. 7 deadline and with no satisfactory response to the demands of Dec. 23, SASS engaged in nonviolent direct action by occupying the Admissions Office. We had crossed the Rubicon, and Swarthmore would never be the same.

Then, time stood still for a week—or so it seemed. As Richard Walton wrote: The SASS sit-in set off a frenzy of meetings by students and faculty. The students, as well as The Phoenix, generally supported SASS’s goals but criticized its tactics. The faculty, often meeting late, night after night, took a similar position. Over a period of several days, the faculty adopted resolutions meeting most of the SASS demands, noting that they were acting not because of duress but because many of the demands were justified. President Smith said it went without saying that he was “prepared to use the full influence and prestige of his office to win Board approval” of the resolutions adopted by the faculty. Despite the inevitable confusion, the situation appeared to be moving toward resolution.”

We had crossed the Rubicon, and Swarthmore would never be the same again. Time stood still for a week—or so it seemed.

During the crisis, Asmarom Legesse, the African anthropologist, was a faculty liaison to SASS. Years later, The Phoenix quoted him as follows on the crisis: “The Admissions Office was boarded up. On one occasion, I had to climb through a window in order to talk to them. It was incredibly intense to be inside—they had developed a degree of maturity and a sense of purpose. There was the kind of vision about what they were doing that I never saw again.” After Swarthmore got over the consternation of the initial “nonnegotiable” SASS demands, the controversial cover letter, and the dramatic occupation of the Admissions Office, the College found us to be basically reasonable and responsible negotiators. Once the negotiations were joined, we constantly appealed to the sense of morality and decency of the faculty and administrators on the other side of the table—and they seemed to respond. At the time, Professor of Anthropology Steve Piker suggested that SASS had effected “a resocialization of the Swarthmore community.” Despite the SASS pre-crisis rhetoric and political language—which we were forced to use as “invisible” men and women—what we wanted was to make the system work better, not break the system. Then, eight days into the SASS nonviolent direct action, President Courtney Smith died suddenly of a heart attack at age 53. Although I did not know him well, our one, short, private meeting on Dec. 31 gave me some sense of Smith as a man. I, like everybody in the Swarthmore community, was shocked and saddened by the news of his unfortunate death on Jan. 16. That same day, SASS ended its action and issued the following statement: In deference to the untimely death of the President, the Swarthmore Afro-American Students’ Society is vacating the Admissions Office. We sincerely believe the death of any human being, whether he be the good President of a college, or a black person trapped in our country’s ghettoes, is a tragedy. At this time we are calling for a moratorium of dia-

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logue, in order that this unfortunate event be given the college’s complete attention. However, we remain strong in our conviction that the legitimate grievances we have voiced to the college remain unresolved and we are dedicated to attaining a satisfactory resolution in the future. The Phoenix weighed in with thoughtful editorial comments: “President Smith’s unexpected death has unfortunately tended to obscure the restraint and rationality of the events which preceded it…. However we strongly believe that every effort should be made to dissociate his death from the preceding events of that week. It was an unforeseeable accident that should not be considered the consequence of any action.” Professor Legesse addressed the question of “violence” a week after the death of President Smith: Senior members of this community have suggested that the actions of SASS were acts of “violence.” I can only understand this indictment as a response to grief…. Can we plausibly admit such guilt and interpret a sit-in and a hunger-strike as acts of violence? Are we to believe that these instruments of peaceful protest are legitimate and “nonviolent” only when we use them to direct attention to grievances elsewhere, but cease to be legitimate when they are directed at our own institution? … We should not forget that black students exhibited extraordinary restraint and discipline during the crisis. It was public knowledge that President Smith was in his last year as Swarthmore’s president. In July 1968, he had announced his intention to leave the College in June 1969, to become president of the Markle Foundation. He had been a trustee of the New
© CAREN ALPERT

AUTHOR’S NOTE
I had prostate surgery in July 2003, which appears to have been successful in dealing with early-stage prostate cancer. I never had surgery or a major illness before, but this illness brought me face to face with my own mortality. Coming at age 55, it made me realize that I am closer to the end than the beginning of my life—and to the “unfinished business” I still need to do. Writing this article was one piece of “unfinished business.” Besides prostate surgery, I’ve come to realize that if you don’t write your own history, someone else will write it for you—and they may or may not get it right. Since 1969, there have been several articles and pieces written about the crisis at Swarthmore— but none by black students directly involved. Although I am not an official SASS historian or a current spokesman for SASS or Swarthmore blacks, past or present, I believe my recollections and viewpoint on the crisis can make a contribution to the historical record. I hope my historical memoir is the beginning, not the end, of a serious new assessment of one of the most significant events in the history of Swarthmore College. I urge others to pick up where I leave off. —Clinton Etheridge ’69

York–based foundation since 1953, the same year he became president of Swarthmore. However, at the time of his death, it was not public knowledge that he had a pre-existing heart condition. In their authorized biography of President Smith (Dignity, Discourse, and Destiny: The Life of Courtney C. Smith, Associated University Presses, 2003) based on records, documents, and archives of the College and the Smith family, authors Darwin Stapleton ’69 and Donna Heckman Stapleton disclose: “A postmortem examination conducted the same day [of Courtney Smith’s death] but never made public showed his heart had suffered a hemorrhage of the right coronary artery, and that he had ‘severe atherosclerosis of both coronary arteries … the caliber of both coronary arteries was considerably reduced in diameter so that only a small probe could be put through them.’” The Stapletons conclude, “Unknown to all, and least of all himself, Smith had been living with serious heart disease for some time.” There was an intense backlash against SASS from outside the College after the death of President Smith. I received hate mail for weeks from many parts of the country. Years later, I came across a quote from Horace that captures how I felt in the aftermath of the crisis: “The man who is tenacious of purpose in a rightful cause is not shaken from his firm resolve by the frenzy of his fellow citizens clamoring for what is wrong.” I cannot speak for any other member of SASS at the time, but I considered myself psychologically prepared to face the consequences of our nonviolent direct action. I believed in our cause so strongly that I was personally prepared, if necessary, to be expelled from Swarthmore, to be beaten by the police, to be killed. Fortunately, none of that happened to me or any other SASS member. But neither I nor anyone else was prepared for the untimely death

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�of President Smith. Although many Swarthmoreans then and since have disagreed with SASS over the use of nonviolent direct action in January 1969, most have agreed with and embraced the changes in black admissions that SASS was seeking. I see this as evidence of the ambivalence of the white moderate that Martin Luther King discusses in Letter From Birmingham Jail: … the white moderate who is more devoted to “order” than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: “I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action.” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will.

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My decision to become SASS chairman in spring 1968 had been a difficult one. The late Sam Shepherd Jr. ’68 was graduating. Sam was a founding father of SASS and the SASS chairman. I was vice chairman and the logical consensus candidate to take the chairmanship. Yet I was a shy, soft-spoken, ambivalent engineering student. Sam used the Phil Ochs song “When I’m Gone” (from Phil Ochs in Concert) to persuade me to succeed him as SASS chairman. The song, which rhapsodizes on the importance of making your contribution while you are “here,” has two lines that particularly hit home for me: “Won’t be asked to do my share when I’m gone.” “Can’t add my name into the fight when I’m gone.” I agonized over the decision to become SASS chairman, but when I finally made it, I was totally committed—come what may. I came to realize that sometimes you must lead by being led. This was a leadership principle of Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi. In a 1963 article, Dr. King quoted Gandhi: “There go my people, I must catch them, for I am their leader.” This was particularly the case with “Seven Sisters” of SASS, who were frequently the “power behind the throne.” Marilyn Holifield, Marilyn Allman Maye, Aundrea White Kelley ’72, Janette Domingo ’70, and others kept my feet to the fire of “blackness.” During the crisis, Don Mizell was the SASS vice chairman. Don and I worked well together, and we had complementary styles. Don was charismatic, a good public speaker, and more comfortable with the glare of media publicity. Reserved, understated, and unflappable, I somehow projected as SASS chairman what some people described as “strength of character.” This reaction surprised me. In many respects, I was an unlikely leader, yet I was the man history selected for this role. Although Swarthmore generally nurtured me as a critical

The crisis was a defining moment that shaped the rest of my life. Most human beings are given relatively few opportunities to make a difference or a contribution to their world— to leave a legacy.

thinker, the crisis was where my real education came during my college years. To quote Herbert Spencer, the 19th-century British social philosopher and biologist: “The great aim of education is not knowledge but action.” As a reluctant, unlikely leader, I was forced to stretch myself, to grow in ways that I would not otherwise have grown during those years. There were times during the crisis when I had to dig deep down inside myself and pull out qualities I didn’t know I possessed. For example, during my first public presentations during the crisis (to the outside press, Swarthmore faculty, and Swarthmore student body), I had to overcome stage fright. I had no choice; it was a “do-or-die” situation. What propelled me forward, what helped me reinvent myself, was a compelling sense of duty and devotion to the moral imperative of our cause. I could not break faith with the legacy of my forebears and others, like Martin Luther King, who had made so many sacrifices for me, the black race, and America. It was now my turn to stand and deliver—to the best of my ability—at Swarthmore. The crisis was the greatest challenge of my youth and a defining moment that shaped the rest of my life. Most human beings are given relatively few opportunities in their lives to make a significant difference or make a real contribution to their world—to leave a legacy. The crisis was such an opportunity for me. The most important lesson I took from the 1960s and the Swarthmore crisis is that, whether we know it or not, whether we like it or not, America and its black citizens—and Swarthmore and its black students—are, in the words of Martin Luther King, “caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.” We must all strive to validate “the existential character of the American liberal, humanistic, idealistic, and democratic tradition, with its capacity for growth, renewal, and extension to the world of higher possibilities and more inclusive realities.” This is the wellspring of the American dream. Despite the inevitable difficulties and frustrations from the lingering pernicious effects of racism, there is no escaping our mutual destiny. For black and white, there is no viable alternative to the American dream. T

Clinton Etheridge is a vice president of the California Economic Development Lending Initiative, a multibank community development corporation established in 1995 to provide investment capital to small businesses and community organizations throughout the state. Following Swarthmore, Etheridge served in the Peace Corps in West Africa. He received an M.B.A. from Stanford Business School and later worked for Chase Manhattan Bank, the Security Pacific Bank, and Citicorp. Etheridge lives in Oakland with his wife of 30 years, Deidria; they have three adult children. He is an avid jazz enthusiast. ©2005 by the author.

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The

C r u c i b l e of Character
A P E R S O N A L A C C O U N T O F S WA R T H M O R E ’ S C R I S I S O F 1 9 6 9 By C l i n t o n E t h e ri d g e ’ 6 9

T

hirty-six years ago, at around noon on Jan. 9, 1969, I led a group of black students into the Swarthmore College Admissions Office in Parrish Hall as part of a nonviolent direct action. I was chairman of the Swarthmore Afro-American Students Society (SASS). We were seeking to redress what we felt were legitimate grievances concerning black admissions at Swarthmore. Our action precipitated what came to be known in the history of Swarthmore College as “the crisis.” The Phoenix of January 10, 1969, captured the moment: As Deans Hargadon, Thompson, and Barr headed for lunch at Sharples, members of SASS appeared at the front door of the Admissions Office and motioned to Mrs. Mary W. Dye, Assistant in Admissions, who had just locked the front door, to open it. She informed them that the office was closed for lunch hour and proceeded to the back doors to lock them also. Clinton Etheridge, SASS chairman, walked around to the back doors where he met Dean Hargadon. Dean Hargadon asked him to please let the one remaining candidate for admission out. As Dean Hargadon opened the door for the candidate, Etheridge entered and walked towards the front door and let the remaining members of SASS in.

S WA R T H MO R E C O L L E G E B U L L E T I N

Once we were inside, there was no violence or destruction of property. The deans left on request, and the doors were padlocked. One of the most significant weeks in Swarthmore history was about to begin. When SASS left a week later, all the litter from our occupation and nonviolent direct action was removed. The admissions office was left undamaged and the files untouched. SASS had engaged in a disciplined, dignified, and nonviolent direct action. However, like most of the outside press, the Delaware County Daily Times in their Jan. 10, 1969, edition gave a simplistic, stereotyped view of our action with the screaming headline: “Twenty Militants Seize Offices at Swarthmore.” Little did that newspaper know that one of those “militants” would become chairman of the Maryland Public Utilities Commission (Russell Frisby ’72, who attended Yale Law School). Or that another “militant” would become one of the nation’s top black lawyers (according to Black Enterprise) and a senior partner with the multinational law firm of Holland &amp; Knight (Marilyn Holifield ’69, who attended Harvard

“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”
—Martin Luther King

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Law School and also served on the College’s Board of Managers). Over the years, I’ve come to the conclusion that stereotypes are a substitute for critical thinking about new or challenging aspects of human beings. Stereotypes conceal the complexity of the human condition. Although we may not expect critical thinking and the absence of stereotyping from the outside world and its press, we certainly should expect it from the Swarthmore community. In this connection, the student-run Phoenix performed an invaluable service during the crisis with its balanced, nuanced daily coverage of a complex story, capturing for posterity the most detailed factual record of the events of that momentous week at Swarthmore.

On the surface, the crisis was about black admissions at Swarthmore. However, at a deeper level, it was really about the relationship of Swarthmore College to black America and to the American dream. In the 36 years since, I have thought long and hard about our nonviolent direct action—and what it meant for me, SASS, and Swarthmore. It was a watershed event and defining moment for us all. Crisis is the crucible in which character is tested. In our own small way, members of SASS were trying to do at Swarthmore what Martin Luther King was doing at the national level. Dr. King was striving to make the American dream as relevant and meaningful to black Americans as to white Americans;

ROMARE BEARDEN, THE DOVE (1964); CUT-AND-PASTED PHOTOREPRODUCTIONS AND PAPERS, GOUACHE, PENCIL AND COLORED PENCIL ON CARDBOARD, 13 3/8 X 18 3/4 INCHES; BLANCHETTE ROCKEFELLER FUND (377.1971); THE MUSEUM OF MODERN ART, NEW YORK, N.Y., U.S.A.; DIGITAL IMAGE © THE MUSEUM OF MODERN ART; LICENSED BY SCALA/ART RESOURCE, N.Y.

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S WA R T H MO R E C O L L E G E B U L L E T I N

SASS was trying to make Swarthmore as relevant and meaningful to black students as to white. Samuel DuBois Cook, the first black professor at Duke University and a Morehouse College classmate of Martin Luther King, said the following about his former classmate: “The social and political philosophy of Dr. King was built on the solid rock of the existential character of the American liberal, humanistic, idealistic, and democratic tradition, with its capacity for growth, renewal, and extension to the world of higher possibilities and more inclusive realities. He believed the resources and potential of that tradition were mighty. He had profound and abiding faith in the creative and redemptive possibilities of the land he loved.” During the 1960s, with the civil rights movement burgeoning and the divisive Vietnam War raging, conservatives such as John Wayne used the injunction: “America—love it or leave it!” More recently, the black conservative talk-show host Ken Hamblin wrote a book called Pick a Better Country. Unlike Wayne and Hamblin, Martin Luther King wanted to make America the best possible version of itself. Professor Cook said, “Dr. King believed that racism was defiling American democracy and keeping it from achieving the ultimate ideal as the grandest form of government ever conceived by the mind of man. Dr. King saw this as the black man’s redemptive mission in America.” At the time of Swarthmore’s crisis, there were conservatives— both white and black—who said that SASS should be grateful for the relatively few black students who had been admitted to the elite inner sanctum of Swarthmore. At some level, these voices were saying: “Pick a better college” or “Swarthmore—love it or leave it!” Instead, like Martin Luther King at the national level, SASS had high expectations of the College, with its strong Quaker heritage of social justice. And in many ways, the efforts of a few have yielded benefits for many. Compared with 1969, today we can see a better version of Swarthmore with, as Cook wrote, its “growth, renewal, and extension to the world of higher possibilities and more inclusive realities.” SASS helped create a climate on campus that embraces greater diversity in the student body, in the faculty, and in academic offerings—including a concentration in black studies. This is the “existential character of the American liberal, humanistic, idealistic, and democratic tradition” in action at Swarthmore. Moreover, the Black Cultural Center, the Gospel Choir, the Sophisticated Gents male a cappella group, and the Sistahs female a cappella group flourish as part of the legacy of SASS. None of these Swarthmore institutions, which enrich contemporary College life, existed before the crisis of January 1969. Swarthmore has come a long way since 1905—a century ago—when it denied admission to a light-skinned black

student whom it had unknowingly accepted. According to the memoirs of Charles Darlington ’15, he learned of the incident from former Dean of Men William “Alee” Alexander. As Darlington recounts: “When he arrived, it was found that he was a Negro boy. His picture was shaded in such a way that this fact had not been obvious. The college was in an embarrassing quandary. No Negroes had ever been admitted. As Alee said, ‘It just wasn’t done.’ After much heart searching by the College administration and probably some members of the Board, the boy and his parents were told that an error had been made. The College was very sorry, but he could not be permitted to enter.” In his Revolt of the College Intellectual, another former dean, Everett Lee Hunt, gives us a peek at Depression-era Swarthmore black admissions: In 1932 a Negro from a Philadelphia high school decided to apply to Swarthmore. He was a prominent athlete; had a good background in classics, his major interest; was president of the student government and popular with his fellows; and except for his color, was a logical candidate for an open scholarship. The admission of colored students had never been approved by the Board of Managers, and so the Admissions Committee referred the application to the Board. After a long discussion it decided by a large majority that Negro students could not yet be admitted to a coeducational college like Swarthmore. Their admission would raise too many problems and create too many difficulties. These 1905 and 1932 admissions incidents are offensive to the sensibilities of most living Swarthmoreans. In 2005, it is difficult to fathom how liberal, well-educated Swarthmore people of good will could make those racist admissions decisions. Sadly, the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow segregation produced a racism that contaminated most whites with a belief, conscious or unconscious, that blacks are inferior or substandard. Subconscious beliefs and attitudes can have a strong hidden influence on behavior. As Malcolm X said toward the end of his life, “The white man is not inherently evil, but America’s racist society influences him to act evilly.” It also offends sensibilities to learn that, as late as 1965, Swarthmore asked prospective white roommates of incoming black freshmen whether they were comfortable rooming with a “Negro.” This policy suggests that, even at the height of the civil rights movement, Swarthmore was more solicitous of the opinions of its white students than its black students— an example of the tacit second-class status of black students back then. (This 1965 skeleton in the College’s racial closet was revealed by Marilyn Allman Maye ’69, in an interview in the May 1994 Bulletin.)

On the surface, the crisis was about black admissions. At a deeper level, it was about the relationship of Swarthmore to black America and the American dream.

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�Thus, when I arrived at Swarthmore in fall 1965, the College was a social organism ripe for reform on black admissions. As Richard Walton put it in Swarthmore College: An Informal History: “It is puzzling that a college founded by Quakers, among the most fervent of the abolitionists and devoted to equality, should have been so slow to admit blacks at all and so slow to admit blacks in significant numbers…. It is generally agreed that Swarthmore had not conducted a vigorous campaign to obtain more black applicants, had not done enough to raise scholarship funds for them.” Part of the puzzle can be explained by the observation that, pre-crisis, black students were “invisible” at Swarthmore, to use Ralph Ellison’s metaphor. As the nameless narrator declares in the prologue of Ellison’s Invisible Man: “I am an invisible man. I am invisible … because people refuse to see me…. When they approach me, they see only my surroundings, themselves, or figments of their imagination— indeed, everything and anything except me.” By the mid-1960s, blacks were “invisible” at Swarthmore because there were so few of us and because it was assumed that we were “just” Swarthmoreans—albeit swarthy Swarthmoreans. The only times black students were not “invisible” were when we sat together in Sharples Dining Hall or when our allblack intramural touch-football team—the Black Grand-Army-ofthe-Crum—went undefeated for the season, even beating the Delta Upsilon team that had some real football players on it. With the perspective of time and the long view of history, the case can be made that the nonviolent direct action SASS took in 1969 pushed Swarthmore to do what was in its enlightened selfinterest in terms of affirmative action and diversity. But this notion was controversial 36 years ago. Was the SASS nonviolent direct action necessary? Yes. At the time, I believed that the SASS nonviolent direct action was necessary, and, 36 years later, I still believe that. As Martin Luther King wrote in Letter From Birmingham Jail: “Nonviolent direct action seeks to create a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored…. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tensions. We merely bring to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with.” Swarthmore’s crisis brought the hidden tension about black admissions out into the open so the Swarthmore community could see it and deal with it. What was the hidden tension on black admissions that the crisis brought to the surface? In a nutshell, racial insensitivity.

Dr. King was striving to make the American dream as relevant and meaningful to black Americans as to white; SASS was trying to make Swarthmore as relevant and meaningful to black students as to white.

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The genesis of the crisis was a report on black admissions that Dean of Admissions Fred Hargadon prepared for the faculty Admissions Policy Committee (APC) during summer 1968. President Courtney Smith asked Hargadon for the report when it became known that only eight black freshmen would be entering the College in fall 1968 as part of the Class of 1972. (I was one of 19 black freshmen who enrolled in fall 1965 as part of the Class of 1969.) Given Swarthmore’s checkered past and tenuous track record on black admissions, eight black freshmen in 1968 seemed a retreat to tokenism. To SASS, it appeared that blacks were to be further marginalized at Swarthmore, even before we could enter the mainstream. SASS felt it had to sound the alarm. To that end, Don Mizell ’71 and I, as SASS vice chairman and SASS chairman, respectively, wrote a letter to Dean Hargadon, which was published in the Oct. 1, 1968, Phoenix, questioning the College’s commitment to black admissions in light of the small number of black students in the freshman class. On Oct. 10, the APC released Dean Hargadon’s report and also placed it on general reserve in McCabe Library. Dean Hargadon invited all black students to a meeting on Oct. 14 in Bond Hall to discuss the report. We quickly discovered that the report included personal data on individual black students, including SAT scores and grades as well as data from financial aid applications showing family income and parents’ occupations. Although specific black students were not named, nevertheless SASS thought that the publication of personal data on black students—and its placement in McCabe Library—represented an invasion of privacy. Our concern about invasion of privacy was legitimate. Because of the small number of black students on campus—just 47 at that time—SASS believed that individual black students could be identified and potentially embarrassed by the report. Therefore, as SASS chairman, I telephoned Dean Hargadon on the evening of Oct. 10 to request removal of the report from McCabe Library and its reissuance without the personal data. After consulting with the APC, he declined the SASS request. SASS considered this an act of racial insensitivity. It appeared that black students had no right to privacy concerning personal data that a Swarthmore administrator needed to respect. If the College was going to marginalize black students and invade their privacy concerning personal data, we were not going to acquiesce in the process. Therefore, SASS decided to stage a protest and walk out at the Oct. 14 APC meeting on Dean Hargadon’s report. At that Oct. 14 meeting in Bond, I read a SASS statement protesting what we thought was the report’s invasion of privacy and declaring our refusal to cooperate with the APC “until the report is reworked, revised, and rewritten.” Then, 35 of the 45 black

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students present walked out. Subsequently, the APC members and the 10 black students who remained concluded that Dean Hargadon’s report should be removed from McCabe Library because of the personal data it contained. This was done.

with respect to its own demands. It appeared there were no effective channels of communication through which SASS could address its concerns about black admissions and black student privacy. With the perspective of time, I see that there were additional complicating factors beyond the failure of communications between SASS and Dean Hargadon. First, before our nonviolent direct action in January 1969, the College had difficulty sorting out the message from the messenger on black admissions. Unlike today, there were no black administrators at Swarthmore and only one black faculty member, the African anthropologist Asmarom Legesse. It is one thing for an adult to receive a message from a kid— particularly one perceived as obstreperous—and another for an adult to receive the same message from another adult who is a respected peer or colleague. Unlike other Swarthmore student groups, SASS had no built-in constituency in the faculty or administration that provided a channel of communication. The problematic Dean Hargadon was the closest person SASS had to an official administration liaison. No one will ever know how the history of the crisis might have been different had black administrators or black professors also been the messengers—or at least the interpreters or translators— of the message SASS was trying to deliver on black admissions. Second—not unlike today—Swarthmore in 1968 to 1969 was basically governed through a Quaker-style process of decision making by consensus. Yet reaching consensus rests on certain key assumptions—primary of which is discussion among and between equals, peers, or colleagues. This process could not work for the black admissions question because consensus would need to have been reached between those in a superior position (Swarthmore administrators) and those in a subordinate position (black students). And asymmetric power relationships, between a superior and a subordinate, tend to be more coercive than consensual. The dearth of black faculty and black administrators at Swarthmore was one factor. The inability to reach a consensus among equals was another factor. But, unfortunately and tragically, the failure of communication between SASS and Dean Hargadon was probably the most important factor in the crisis. When Dean Hargadon wrote his report during summer 1968, he not only included personal data on black students—which were at least factual and objective—he also wrote obiter dictum comments about alleged SASS “militant separatist” inclinations, which were stereotypically inaccurate. Dean Hargadon’s “militant separatist” allegations, which questioned our legitimacy at Swarthmore, did not endear him to some members of SASS. As for the “militant” part of Dean Hargadon’s allegation, I say again that stereotypes conceal the complexity of the human condition; they substitute for critical thinking about

Following this failure of communications between SASS and Dean Hargadon, the College’s designated interlocutor, we were even more concerned about the prospects for black admissions in particular and the status of black students at Swarthmore in general. We just couldn’t stand by and see the situation go from bad to worse. Therefore, SASS formulated four demands, which were sent to the APC on Oct. 16 and published in The Phoenix the same day. The demands were the following:

• Dean Hargadon’s report not be returned to McCabe Library, and SASS and APC rewrite the report for publication • The Swarthmore faculty and administration form a Black Interest Committee to work with SASS • The College recruit a high-level black administrator • The SASS Recruitment Committee work with Dean Hargadon and the APC to enhance black recruitment and admissions

In the mid-1960s, blacks were “invisible” at Swarthmore because there were so few of us. It was assumed that we were “just” Swarthmoreans—albeit swarthy Swarthmoreans.

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Although SASS believed its demands were reasonable, we also thought we were not getting an appropriate response from Dean Hargadon and the APC. Therefore, SASS decided to try to make progress on another front. On Nov. 8, a SASS delegation visited the Student Council meeting to present our case for the council voting to endorse the SASS demands. Student Council voted 10 to 1 with two abstentions to endorse the four demands, an action that prompted an angry letter from Dean Hargadon criticizing the council’s haste and lack of consultation with the APC. After the Nov. 8 Student Council endorsement of the SASS demands, there were several desultory meetings and discussions on black admissions. But no substantive progress was being made. However, probably sensing a deteriorating situation, President Smith began to get involved indirectly and asked for clarification of the SASS demands. Ironically, he did not ask the SASS leadership for this clarification; he went to the Student Council president and to Michael Fields ’69, an “independent” black student —not a member of SASS—who had written an open letter to the College community on Nov. 13 endorsing the SASS demands. This was a tragic situation with almost theater-of-the-absurd overtones. Everybody was clarifying the SASS demands except SASS itself. SASS was ready, willing, and able to discuss its own demands, but no one in power seemed to want to hear what we had to say. The sad irony is that SASS was “invisible” at Swarthmore

�new or challenging aspects of human beings. Instead of grappling with the new and challenging aspects of SASS, as The Phoenix did, Dean Hargadon seemed to act as if we were still in the pre-SASS days at Swarthmore, when blacks were unorganized and “invisible.” Although The Phoenix was able to pierce the veil of the “militant” stereotype and recognize the essence of SASS concealed beneath, Dean Hargadon was not. Given our commitment to nonviolent direct action, the question could have been posed to Dean Hargadon: How “militant” were we in SASS compared with Martin Luther King? As for the “separatist” part of Dean Hargadon’s allegation, I had white roommates at Swarthmore my freshman, sophomore, and junior years. (I roomed alone my senior year in Palmer.) I was a member of Kappa Sigma Pi fraternity during my sophomore year. Moreover, contrary to the stereotype of many SASS members, I was neither “angry” nor “alienated” nor “lonely” at Swarthmore. I enjoyed a wide circle of friends and acquaintances, both black and white. This group included my white roommates and fraternity brothers and my fellow engineering students. At the same time, I was also “comfortable in my own skin” as a black student on a white campus; I took my leadership roles in SASS seriously. I considered myself pro-black and not anti-white, pro-SASS and not anti-Swarthmore. I simply believed circumstances needed to be reformed for the better; I believed Swarthmore needed to live up to the ideals of its Quaker heritage of social justice. I knew Dean Hargadon personally and liked him. He and I would greet each other in Parrish Hall during my freshman and sophomore years and talk about subjects like the novels of James Baldwin. He told me how he grew up in an integrated workingclass suburb of Philadelphia and how he went to Haverford on the GI Bill after serving in the Army as a military policeman. Given those halcyon days, no one could predict that Dean Hargadon and I would be linked as antagonists through the crisis—that he and I would be face-to-face at the admissions office door at high noon on Jan. 9, 1969. Dean Hargadon had a good reputation as an admissions officer and went on to distinguished careers in undergraduate admissions at Stanford and Princeton. After leaving his Swarthmore admissions post, he subsequently served on the College’s Board of Managers for several years. Also between admissions stints at Stanford and Princeton, he served as a senior executive with the College Board in New York for a brief period. However, in the pre-crisis days at Swarthmore, Dean Hargadon apparently was not prepared to accept constructive criticism and input from SASS on black admissions policy. After I graduated in June 1969, I was told that he became more receptive to SASS input. By Christmas 1968, the College had ignored the Oct. 16 SASS demands—and SASS itself. Without con-

sulting us, Dean Hargadon and the APC finished a second report on black admissions on Dec. 18. Apparently, in the view of Dean Hargadon and the APC, SASS had forfeited any consultative role in formulating black admissions policy. Why? Was it because SASS had refused to acquiesce in the invasion of black student privacy through the publication of personal data in the first Hargadon report? Out of this maelstrom came a new set of SASS demands on Dec. 23, 1968. SASS thought that the dean of admissions, in questioning the organization’s legitimacy, was denigrating black students and the black perspective SASS tried to represent at Swarthmore. While Martin Luther King had been striving to make the American dream as relevant and meaningful to black and white, many in SASS viewed black admissions at Swarthmore as a “dream deferred,” using the metaphor of the Langston Hughes poem: What happens to a dream deferred? Does it dry up like a raisin in the sun? Or fester like a sore— And then run? Does it stink like rotten meat? Or crust and sugar over— like a syrupy sweet? Maybe it just sags like a heavy load. Or does it explode?* I viewed our new demands as a desperate cry in the wilderness for recognition and respect by an “invisible man.” Thus, in a last-ditch effort to get the attention of the College, I sent the following cover letter, along with a set of “clarified” demands, to President Smith on Dec. 23, 1968: Merry Christmas! Enclosed are the “clarified” SASS demands you requested some time ago. If you fail to issue a clear, unequivocal public acceptance of these non-negotiable demands by noon, Tuesday, January 7, 1969, the black students and SASS will be forced to do whatever is necessary to obtain acceptance of same. Here is what the new set of demands asked for: • The acceptance and enrollment of 10 to 20 “risk” black students for the next year and the provision of support services for them • A College commitment to enroll 100 black students within three years and 150 black students within six years Please turn to page 84
*From The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes, Vintage Books, New York, © 1995. Reprinted with permission.

Unlike other Swarthmore student groups, SASS had no built-in constituency in the faculty or administration that provided a channel of communication.

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Continued from page 27 • The appointment of a black assistant dean of admissions and a black counselor, subject to SASS review • That Dean Hargadon be replaced by Sept. 1, 1969, “unless present admissions policies change or unless the actions of the current Dean of Admissions change”

If I knew then what I know now, I would have written the cover letter differently. Many times during the last 36 years, I have studied this letter carefully. This was very strong language with which to communicate the essential message of SASS. In “Requiem for Courtney Smith,” Paul Good’s article on the crisis (May 9, 1969, Life), J. Roland Pennock, chairman of the Political Science Department, conveyed the reaction of President Smith: “He was confronted with non-negotiable demands and rhetoric that did great offense to him…. This hurt him bitterly. But he never let himself be moved to anger.” (The Life article was reprinted in the March 1999 Bulletin and is available in the magazine’s Web archives at www.swarthmore.edu/bulletin.) As incredible as it seems now, I and some other black students expected the College to ignore these demands just as it had ignored our demands of Oct. 16. To me, the production of the second black admissions report on Dec. 18, without reference to the SASS demands of Oct. 16, only dramatized how “invisible” we were at Swarthmore. The College had consistently refused to recognize the reality and legitimacy of SASS. We were left to conclude that the system at Swarthmore was unresponsive—and perhaps even hostile—to the SASS perspective on black admissions and our concern about the invasion of black student privacy. By Christmas 1968, it was clear that SASS had to move forward, even at the risk of failure, because of the moral imperative of our cause. If necessary, “we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the community,” as Martin Luther King suggested in Letter From Birmingham Jail. I learned of the impact of the cover letter and demands when I returned to Swarthmore from my home in New York City on Dec. 31. That was the day I first met Courtney Smith face-to-face. I went by Parrish Hall to check my mailbox. To my surprise, I found a reproduced copy of the Dec. 23 SASS cover letter and

I was about to be ushered into a private audience with Courtney Smith. As I stepped into his office, I realized there is nothing to be afraid of if you believe the cause for which you stand is right and just.

demands in my mailbox—and learned that it had been placed in the mailbox of every student. President Smith had distributed the SASS cover letter and demands to the whole College community, along with his own response. When I had typed our demands on my mechanical typewriter, I kept only a poor-quality carbon copy. With today’s ubiquitous personal computers, scanners, faxes, and e-mail, it is easy to forget (or not know) how primitive 1969 office technology was by comparison. In those days, students typed papers and letters by typewriter—usually not electrical—with no memory capability. Papers to be reproduced were typically typed on a mimeograph stencil and copies made on an inky mimeograph machine. In 1969, photocopying machines were rare and expensive. Therefore, because the College had multiple clean copies of the Dec. 23 SASS cover letter and demands—and I did not—why not ask the College for extra copies? It was not so simple. When I went to the reproduction office on the first floor of Parrish and asked for extra copies of the SASS package, a tight-jawed, scowling lady told me that she could only release extra copies with the permission of the President’s Office. The next step was to climb the stairs of Parrish Hall to President Smith’s second-floor office. When I walked into the president’s outer office, his secretary immediately recognized me. I politely asked her for extra copies of the SASS package. She quickly retreated into President Smith’s private office while I patiently waited in the antechamber. The secretary returned shortly and informed me that President Smith wished to see me. Courtney Smith was a living legend at Swarthmore—one of the great presidents in College history and the American secretary of the Rhodes Scholarship. To many Swarthmore students, me included, Courtney Smith seemed aloof and patrician—yet quietly charismatic in his Brooks Brothers suits. Although I merely wanted extra copies of the SASS package, I had climbed Mount Olympus and was about to be ushered into a private audience with Courtney Smith. I was psychologically unprepared and a little bit overwhelmed and intimidated. But as I stepped into his private office, I realized there is nothing to be afraid of if you believe the cause for which you stand is right and just. Despite our differences of race, age, and style, President Smith was cordial and gracious to me that day. I reciprocated his cordiality and treated him with the utmost respect and courtesy—even though my Dec. 23 cover letter did not communicate that. In the informal intimacy of his private office, President Smith told me in so many words that he wanted to discuss the SASS demands as two human beings in search of a human solution to a human problem. I very much wanted to do that too. But, at the same time, I was only the chairman of SASS and therefore only a

84

�spokesman for the other black students— the “executive of their will.” Without discussing any of the substantive issues of the SASS demands, he and I agreed to a second meeting with a delegation of SASS members on Jan. 6, 1969—the first day of school after Christmas vacation. After 10 minutes, with no further business to conduct, Courtney Smith and I shook hands like gentlemen and parted company. Some may ask why I did not talk with President Smith about the demands. First, as SASS chairman, I took my spokesman role seriously. It was not lip service. I was consultative and collegial; I viewed myself as “first among equals” with respect to the other SASS members and the “executive of their will.” Second, we in SASS valued group solidarity. We were sensitive to the “divide-and-conquer” tactics that had been used all too often in American history to separate blacks from their leaders. It would have been a mistake for me as SASS chairman to negotiate one-on-one with President Smith on Dec. 31 or at any other time or place. Hence, the meeting with a SASS delegation on Jan. 6 was the appropriate next step. Third, I was skeptical whether President Smith had an open mind about the SASS demands—and subsequent information confirmed my skepticism. In the Life article, author Paul Good quoted from a letter President Smith sent Dean Hargadon around the time in question: “I want to underline my dismay at the inappropriateness and lack of justification in SASS’s remarks that concerned you and your work in admissions, including Negro admissions. I count on your knowing that I regard your work at Swarthmore as one of the great strengths of the college.” President Smith’s letter did not surprise me. Regardless of his personal thoughts on the SASS position, politically Courtney Smith had to stand by his admissions dean. The next and last time I met President Smith was Jan. 6, 1969, along with a delegation of 15 SASS members and a handful of other Swarthmore administrators. Compared with the informal intimacy of my Dec. 31 private meeting, the Jan. 6 meeting, although civil, was more formal and tense. SASS restated its demands of Dec. 23. President Smith restated his position from his cover letter of Dec. 31 to the Swarthmore community, which accompanied the public distribution of the SASS demands. President Smith expressed sympathy for the underlying concerns of the SASS demands, which he asked that we recast as proposals. At the same time, he said he could not act unilaterally on the SASS demands even as proposals, because they involved basic policy issues for the Swarthmore faculty and Board of Managers. With the two sides agreeing to disagree, the meeting ended without any substantive progress or resolution. Two days after the Jan. 7 deadline and with no satisfactory response to the demands of Dec. 23, SASS engaged in nonviolent direct action by occupying the Admissions Office. We had crossed the Rubicon, and Swarthmore would never be the same.

Then, time stood still for a week—or so it seemed. As Richard Walton wrote: The SASS sit-in set off a frenzy of meetings by students and faculty. The students, as well as The Phoenix, generally supported SASS’s goals but criticized its tactics. The faculty, often meeting late, night after night, took a similar position. Over a period of several days, the faculty adopted resolutions meeting most of the SASS demands, noting that they were acting not because of duress but because many of the demands were justified. President Smith said it went without saying that he was “prepared to use the full influence and prestige of his office to win Board approval” of the resolutions adopted by the faculty. Despite the inevitable confusion, the situation appeared to be moving toward resolution.”

We had crossed the Rubicon, and Swarthmore would never be the same again. Time stood still for a week—or so it seemed.

During the crisis, Asmarom Legesse, the African anthropologist, was a faculty liaison to SASS. Years later, The Phoenix quoted him as follows on the crisis: “The Admissions Office was boarded up. On one occasion, I had to climb through a window in order to talk to them. It was incredibly intense to be inside—they had developed a degree of maturity and a sense of purpose. There was the kind of vision about what they were doing that I never saw again.” After Swarthmore got over the consternation of the initial “nonnegotiable” SASS demands, the controversial cover letter, and the dramatic occupation of the Admissions Office, the College found us to be basically reasonable and responsible negotiators. Once the negotiations were joined, we constantly appealed to the sense of morality and decency of the faculty and administrators on the other side of the table—and they seemed to respond. At the time, Professor of Anthropology Steve Piker suggested that SASS had effected “a resocialization of the Swarthmore community.” Despite the SASS pre-crisis rhetoric and political language—which we were forced to use as “invisible” men and women—what we wanted was to make the system work better, not break the system. Then, eight days into the SASS nonviolent direct action, President Courtney Smith died suddenly of a heart attack at age 53. Although I did not know him well, our one, short, private meeting on Dec. 31 gave me some sense of Smith as a man. I, like everybody in the Swarthmore community, was shocked and saddened by the news of his unfortunate death on Jan. 16. That same day, SASS ended its action and issued the following statement: In deference to the untimely death of the President, the Swarthmore Afro-American Students’ Society is vacating the Admissions Office. We sincerely believe the death of any human being, whether he be the good President of a college, or a black person trapped in our country’s ghettoes, is a tragedy. At this time we are calling for a moratorium of dia-

85

MARCH 2005

�1-9-6
logue, in order that this unfortunate event be given the college’s complete attention. However, we remain strong in our conviction that the legitimate grievances we have voiced to the college remain unresolved and we are dedicated to attaining a satisfactory resolution in the future. The Phoenix weighed in with thoughtful editorial comments: “President Smith’s unexpected death has unfortunately tended to obscure the restraint and rationality of the events which preceded it…. However we strongly believe that every effort should be made to dissociate his death from the preceding events of that week. It was an unforeseeable accident that should not be considered the consequence of any action.” Professor Legesse addressed the question of “violence” a week after the death of President Smith: Senior members of this community have suggested that the actions of SASS were acts of “violence.” I can only understand this indictment as a response to grief…. Can we plausibly admit such guilt and interpret a sit-in and a hunger-strike as acts of violence? Are we to believe that these instruments of peaceful protest are legitimate and “nonviolent” only when we use them to direct attention to grievances elsewhere, but cease to be legitimate when they are directed at our own institution? … We should not forget that black students exhibited extraordinary restraint and discipline during the crisis. It was public knowledge that President Smith was in his last year as Swarthmore’s president. In July 1968, he had announced his intention to leave the College in June 1969, to become president of the Markle Foundation. He had been a trustee of the New
© CAREN ALPERT

AUTHOR’S NOTE
I had prostate surgery in July 2003, which appears to have been successful in dealing with early-stage prostate cancer. I never had surgery or a major illness before, but this illness brought me face to face with my own mortality. Coming at age 55, it made me realize that I am closer to the end than the beginning of my life—and to the “unfinished business” I still need to do. Writing this article was one piece of “unfinished business.” Besides prostate surgery, I’ve come to realize that if you don’t write your own history, someone else will write it for you—and they may or may not get it right. Since 1969, there have been several articles and pieces written about the crisis at Swarthmore— but none by black students directly involved. Although I am not an official SASS historian or a current spokesman for SASS or Swarthmore blacks, past or present, I believe my recollections and viewpoint on the crisis can make a contribution to the historical record. I hope my historical memoir is the beginning, not the end, of a serious new assessment of one of the most significant events in the history of Swarthmore College. I urge others to pick up where I leave off. —Clinton Etheridge ’69

York–based foundation since 1953, the same year he became president of Swarthmore. However, at the time of his death, it was not public knowledge that he had a pre-existing heart condition. In their authorized biography of President Smith (Dignity, Discourse, and Destiny: The Life of Courtney C. Smith, Associated University Presses, 2003) based on records, documents, and archives of the College and the Smith family, authors Darwin Stapleton ’69 and Donna Heckman Stapleton disclose: “A postmortem examination conducted the same day [of Courtney Smith’s death] but never made public showed his heart had suffered a hemorrhage of the right coronary artery, and that he had ‘severe atherosclerosis of both coronary arteries … the caliber of both coronary arteries was considerably reduced in diameter so that only a small probe could be put through them.’” The Stapletons conclude, “Unknown to all, and least of all himself, Smith had been living with serious heart disease for some time.” There was an intense backlash against SASS from outside the College after the death of President Smith. I received hate mail for weeks from many parts of the country. Years later, I came across a quote from Horace that captures how I felt in the aftermath of the crisis: “The man who is tenacious of purpose in a rightful cause is not shaken from his firm resolve by the frenzy of his fellow citizens clamoring for what is wrong.” I cannot speak for any other member of SASS at the time, but I considered myself psychologically prepared to face the consequences of our nonviolent direct action. I believed in our cause so strongly that I was personally prepared, if necessary, to be expelled from Swarthmore, to be beaten by the police, to be killed. Fortunately, none of that happened to me or any other SASS member. But neither I nor anyone else was prepared for the untimely death

86

S WA R T H MO R E C O L L E G E B U L L E T I N

�of President Smith. Although many Swarthmoreans then and since have disagreed with SASS over the use of nonviolent direct action in January 1969, most have agreed with and embraced the changes in black admissions that SASS was seeking. I see this as evidence of the ambivalence of the white moderate that Martin Luther King discusses in Letter From Birmingham Jail: … the white moderate who is more devoted to “order” than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: “I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action.” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will.

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MARCH 2005

My decision to become SASS chairman in spring 1968 had been a difficult one. The late Sam Shepherd Jr. ’68 was graduating. Sam was a founding father of SASS and the SASS chairman. I was vice chairman and the logical consensus candidate to take the chairmanship. Yet I was a shy, soft-spoken, ambivalent engineering student. Sam used the Phil Ochs song “When I’m Gone” (from Phil Ochs in Concert) to persuade me to succeed him as SASS chairman. The song, which rhapsodizes on the importance of making your contribution while you are “here,” has two lines that particularly hit home for me: “Won’t be asked to do my share when I’m gone.” “Can’t add my name into the fight when I’m gone.” I agonized over the decision to become SASS chairman, but when I finally made it, I was totally committed—come what may. I came to realize that sometimes you must lead by being led. This was a leadership principle of Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi. In a 1963 article, Dr. King quoted Gandhi: “There go my people, I must catch them, for I am their leader.” This was particularly the case with “Seven Sisters” of SASS, who were frequently the “power behind the throne.” Marilyn Holifield, Marilyn Allman Maye, Aundrea White Kelley ’72, Janette Domingo ’70, and others kept my feet to the fire of “blackness.” During the crisis, Don Mizell was the SASS vice chairman. Don and I worked well together, and we had complementary styles. Don was charismatic, a good public speaker, and more comfortable with the glare of media publicity. Reserved, understated, and unflappable, I somehow projected as SASS chairman what some people described as “strength of character.” This reaction surprised me. In many respects, I was an unlikely leader, yet I was the man history selected for this role. Although Swarthmore generally nurtured me as a critical

The crisis was a defining moment that shaped the rest of my life. Most human beings are given relatively few opportunities to make a difference or a contribution to their world— to leave a legacy.

thinker, the crisis was where my real education came during my college years. To quote Herbert Spencer, the 19th-century British social philosopher and biologist: “The great aim of education is not knowledge but action.” As a reluctant, unlikely leader, I was forced to stretch myself, to grow in ways that I would not otherwise have grown during those years. There were times during the crisis when I had to dig deep down inside myself and pull out qualities I didn’t know I possessed. For example, during my first public presentations during the crisis (to the outside press, Swarthmore faculty, and Swarthmore student body), I had to overcome stage fright. I had no choice; it was a “do-or-die” situation. What propelled me forward, what helped me reinvent myself, was a compelling sense of duty and devotion to the moral imperative of our cause. I could not break faith with the legacy of my forebears and others, like Martin Luther King, who had made so many sacrifices for me, the black race, and America. It was now my turn to stand and deliver—to the best of my ability—at Swarthmore. The crisis was the greatest challenge of my youth and a defining moment that shaped the rest of my life. Most human beings are given relatively few opportunities in their lives to make a significant difference or make a real contribution to their world—to leave a legacy. The crisis was such an opportunity for me. The most important lesson I took from the 1960s and the Swarthmore crisis is that, whether we know it or not, whether we like it or not, America and its black citizens—and Swarthmore and its black students—are, in the words of Martin Luther King, “caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.” We must all strive to validate “the existential character of the American liberal, humanistic, idealistic, and democratic tradition, with its capacity for growth, renewal, and extension to the world of higher possibilities and more inclusive realities.” This is the wellspring of the American dream. Despite the inevitable difficulties and frustrations from the lingering pernicious effects of racism, there is no escaping our mutual destiny. For black and white, there is no viable alternative to the American dream. T

Clinton Etheridge is a vice president of the California Economic Development Lending Initiative, a multibank community development corporation established in 1995 to provide investment capital to small businesses and community organizations throughout the state. Following Swarthmore, Etheridge served in the Peace Corps in West Africa. He received an M.B.A. from Stanford Business School and later worked for Chase Manhattan Bank, the Security Pacific Bank, and Citicorp. Etheridge lives in Oakland with his wife of 30 years, Deidria; they have three adult children. He is an avid jazz enthusiast. ©2005 by the author.

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SWARTHMORE COLLEGE
5 WAR T HMO R E • PEN N 5 Y L V A N I A • 19081

DEPARTMENT OF

ECONOMIGS ~

.,.;.

Minutes of Black Studies Committee

The Blac k Stu dies ComThittee met Ap ril 27 , 1970 at 12:15 P.M. in Sharple s. In add.ition to the regular members , a numbe r of stu dents a nd faculty interested i n the p ro g ram participated in the meeting. The members on the Committee represe nti ng SASS f or t he comin g year are: lv} a r k Blackburn Rosalind P l umme r Trac y Ni cholas Linda Datcher Don Nizell The l e tte r written in response to the SASS let t er of Ap ril 15 , 1970 about the Committee's structure an d f u nctions was r evised i n certain details and t he Chairman wa s author i ze d to send the letter a s modified to SASS: a co p y is attached . SASS member s felt i t woul d be ver y help ful if Clement Cottingham c o ul d vi s it t he College this seme s t e r and it was tentative l y a g re e d t h is woul d be don e if funds could be f ound . A major purpose of his visit wou l d be to give Professor Cottingham o ppor t unity to intervi ew candida tes and suggest name s of add it ional candidates . Su b sequently , arran g ements we re made to have Profes s or Cot ti ngham vi s it the College Hay 1 4-17 . Next , there was a discussion of Professor Cottingham's re sponsibilitie s in relat io n to t he ind ividual dep a rt ments. W hil e details would ha ve to wait on his arrival, it was agreed t ha t t he various dep a rt ments would be expected to work clo se ly wi th hi m, and he with the m, in the c ase of any pa r t -time or full-time faculty a ppo intmen ts wh ich h ad a beari n g on the Black S tud.i es p rogram. If a departme nt concluded a particular a pp oint me nt should not b e made , Profe ssor Cot t in g ham would be able, if h e wished, to deal direct ly with the Provost in determinin g whethe r the app oint me nt should be made outside the de part me nt in ques ti on . It was f urthe r agreed tha t P rof esso r Cottingham woul d have c h ief respo nsibi l it y for develop in g t he Bl a c k Studies cur r iculum in coop eration with interested f a c ulty , studen t s an d me mbers of the admin is t rat ion . As to matters of pe r sonnel an d financial sup p ort Professor Cottin g ham wo ul d work with the administra ti on in the way that de p a rt me nt chair men do.

Frank C. Pierson FCP:mer

�SWARTHMORE COLLEGE
SWARTHMORE, PENNSYLVANIA

May 1, 1970 Swarthmore Afro-American Students' Society Swarthmore Colleger This is in response to your letter of April 15, 1970 asking for a clarification of t~e structure and responsibilities of the Black Studies Curriculum Committee and its function vis-a-vis the incoming director. The original structure was the result of conversations which President Courtney Smith had with representatives of SASS and of the faculty in the spring of 19680 The proposal that was adopted was to establish a committee of five students, four of whom would be members of SASS, and six faculty members. The members of the original committee were: Marilyn C. Allman Allen J. Dietrich . Clinton A~ Etheridge Marilyn J. Holifield Don A. Mizell Charles Gilbert Asmarom Legesse John S. Shackford Jon Van Til Harrison M. Wright Frank C. Pierson, Chairman While it was assumed that the committee would have responsibility for advising President Smith and the faculty on any plans for a Black Studies program, the specific functions of the committee were not spelled out. The only statement setting forth -the committee's jurisdiction appeared in President Smith's letter of May 17, 1968 appointing the members of the committee; in this letter President Smith said: I will continue to encourage departments to be considering what studies can appropriately and effectively be made a part of their offering at the earliest opportunity but it is my hope that your committee will give focus to all of our efforts and see how individual additions to our program may build into some larger and more coherent pro gram. In line with this statement, the Committee assumed responsibility for recommending the program in Black Studies which was established in 19Q9. It also participated actively in the selection of a permanent director and cooperated with the various departments in developing course offerings in this field.

�---_

...

_"

--- - ,-.-. '. ------ - - - -

- 2 -

The original / committee was appointed for the year 1968-69 and on July 11, 1969 Acting President Edward Cratsley appointed a successor committee fO.r the year 1969-70. This committee also consisted of five students, o'f ' wnom,. four were members of SASS, and five faculty members. The members of the 1969-70 committee were: Charles Gilbert Robert Co Mitchell John S. Shackford 'H~rison M . Wright • Laura Hassler Don Mizell Julius Nicholas Delmar Thompson Aundrea White Frank C. Pierson, Chairman In general, the committee has welcomed visitors, both faculty and student, who have expressed an interest in attending meetings. During the past year, particularly, members of the faculty actively involved in the Black Studies program have been invited to join informally in the committee's deliberations; these faculty members are: Daniel Bennett E. L. Harris Raymond Hopkins Kathryn Morgan J. Deotis Roberts Jon Van Til There has been no discussion as yet about the relationship between the committee and the new director, Clement Cottingham, sinQe it will be necessary to get his views before any decision is reached. Presumably the committee will continue to function in an advisory capacity, however, for at least a brief period of time. Sincerely yours,

j

Black Studies Curriculum Committee

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SWARTHMORE COLLEGE
5 WAR T HMO R E • PEN N 5 Y L V A N I A • 19081

DEPARTMENT OF

ECONOMIGS ~

.,.;.

Minutes of Black Studies Committee

The Blac k Stu dies ComThittee met Ap ril 27 , 1970 at 12:15 P.M. in Sharple s. In add.ition to the regular members , a numbe r of stu dents a nd faculty interested i n the p ro g ram participated in the meeting. The members on the Committee represe nti ng SASS f or t he comin g year are: lv} a r k Blackburn Rosalind P l umme r Trac y Ni cholas Linda Datcher Don Nizell The l e tte r written in response to the SASS let t er of Ap ril 15 , 1970 about the Committee's structure an d f u nctions was r evised i n certain details and t he Chairman wa s author i ze d to send the letter a s modified to SASS: a co p y is attached . SASS member s felt i t woul d be ver y help ful if Clement Cottingham c o ul d vi s it t he College this seme s t e r and it was tentative l y a g re e d t h is woul d be don e if funds could be f ound . A major purpose of his visit wou l d be to give Professor Cottingham o ppor t unity to intervi ew candida tes and suggest name s of add it ional candidates . Su b sequently , arran g ements we re made to have Profes s or Cot ti ngham vi s it the College Hay 1 4-17 . Next , there was a discussion of Professor Cottingham's re sponsibilitie s in relat io n to t he ind ividual dep a rt ments. W hil e details would ha ve to wait on his arrival, it was agreed t ha t t he various dep a rt ments would be expected to work clo se ly wi th hi m, and he with the m, in the c ase of any pa r t -time or full-time faculty a ppo intmen ts wh ich h ad a beari n g on the Black S tud.i es p rogram. If a departme nt concluded a particular a pp oint me nt should not b e made , Profe ssor Cot t in g ham would be able, if h e wished, to deal direct ly with the Provost in determinin g whethe r the app oint me nt should be made outside the de part me nt in ques ti on . It was f urthe r agreed tha t P rof esso r Cottingham woul d have c h ief respo nsibi l it y for develop in g t he Bl a c k Studies cur r iculum in coop eration with interested f a c ulty , studen t s an d me mbers of the admin is t rat ion . As to matters of pe r sonnel an d financial sup p ort Professor Cottin g ham wo ul d work with the administra ti on in the way that de p a rt me nt chair men do.

Frank C. Pierson FCP:mer

�SWARTHMORE COLLEGE
SWARTHMORE, PENNSYLVANIA

May 1, 1970 Swarthmore Afro-American Students' Society Swarthmore Colleger This is in response to your letter of April 15, 1970 asking for a clarification of t~e structure and responsibilities of the Black Studies Curriculum Committee and its function vis-a-vis the incoming director. The original structure was the result of conversations which President Courtney Smith had with representatives of SASS and of the faculty in the spring of 19680 The proposal that was adopted was to establish a committee of five students, four of whom would be members of SASS, and six faculty members. The members of the original committee were: Marilyn C. Allman Allen J. Dietrich . Clinton A~ Etheridge Marilyn J. Holifield Don A. Mizell Charles Gilbert Asmarom Legesse John S. Shackford Jon Van Til Harrison M. Wright Frank C. Pierson, Chairman While it was assumed that the committee would have responsibility for advising President Smith and the faculty on any plans for a Black Studies program, the specific functions of the committee were not spelled out. The only statement setting forth -the committee's jurisdiction appeared in President Smith's letter of May 17, 1968 appointing the members of the committee; in this letter President Smith said: I will continue to encourage departments to be considering what studies can appropriately and effectively be made a part of their offering at the earliest opportunity but it is my hope that your committee will give focus to all of our efforts and see how individual additions to our program may build into some larger and more coherent pro gram. In line with this statement, the Committee assumed responsibility for recommending the program in Black Studies which was established in 19Q9. It also participated actively in the selection of a permanent director and cooperated with the various departments in developing course offerings in this field.

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...

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The original / committee was appointed for the year 1968-69 and on July 11, 1969 Acting President Edward Cratsley appointed a successor committee fO.r the year 1969-70. This committee also consisted of five students, o'f ' wnom,. four were members of SASS, and five faculty members. The members of the 1969-70 committee were: Charles Gilbert Robert Co Mitchell John S. Shackford 'H~rison M . Wright • Laura Hassler Don Mizell Julius Nicholas Delmar Thompson Aundrea White Frank C. Pierson, Chairman In general, the committee has welcomed visitors, both faculty and student, who have expressed an interest in attending meetings. During the past year, particularly, members of the faculty actively involved in the Black Studies program have been invited to join informally in the committee's deliberations; these faculty members are: Daniel Bennett E. L. Harris Raymond Hopkins Kathryn Morgan J. Deotis Roberts Jon Van Til There has been no discussion as yet about the relationship between the committee and the new director, Clement Cottingham, sinQe it will be necessary to get his views before any decision is reached. Presumably the committee will continue to function in an advisory capacity, however, for at least a brief period of time. Sincerely yours,

j

Black Studies Curriculum Committee

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